During the last decade the separatist activities of the Catalan nationalists have intensified. Despite the enactment of the Statute of Autonomy in 2006, extending the existing autonomy of the Autonomous Community, Catalonia’s governing political parties strived for total independence. In view of the consistent attitude of the central government in Madrid refusing any concessions on the extension of autonomy or independence, the Autonomous Government of Catalonia (Generalitat) appealed to the institutions of direct democracy, calling twice for a Catalan referendum on independence. In both cases, the Spanish Constitutional Court declared the referendum unlawful. In spite of this, Catalonia declared independence after the referendum of October 1st, 2017, although the effects of the declaration were also suspended – a situation so far unknown to law.

Independence referenda in Catalonia and the reaction of the European Union

The article deals with the issues of independence referenda in Catalonia and the reaction of the European Union to them. These referenda were held in 2014 and 2017, with no approval from the Spanish government. At the beginning of the 21 st century, regionalist and nationalist movements have developed in the Member States of the European Union. An important determinant of these centrifugal forces was the economic crisis in Europe, which activated separatist tendencies in the economically developed regions of the EU. An ex- ample of such secessionism is Catalonia, where there was a revival of regional nationalism manifested by the wave of separatist movements. Disputes over the independence of Catalonia have been an important topic of consideration in the European Union in the context of its integrity. This text concentrates on the causes, course, and consequences of the independence referenda in Catalonia as well as on the EU’s reactions to the Catalonian crisis.

Spain is one of the countries which is facing a lot of nationalist sentiments and aspirations of certain autonomous communities seeking if not for sovereignty, then at least for greater autonomy or a federal system. This paper aims at investigating the case of Catalonia by examining the roots of Catalan nationalism, its main determinants and drivers for change. It also explains the reasons for evolution of the accompanying factors and claims that Catalan nationalism is civic and not ethnic in nature. Its main factors are economic and cultural as well as ideological ones, built on the common identity shaped by cultural and religious heritage. Till the crisis of 2007/2008, Catalan nationalism was not violent – neither in actions nor in its claims. Deterioration of the economic situation and social frustration made it easier for politicians to use the nationalist argument to win a political battle. It resulted in the revival of stronger nationalist sentiments and a desire for self-determination.

Anti-Imperialist Political-Media Discourses in Spanish Regions and Hispanoamerica

The article focuses on the political-media anti-imperialist discourses in various contexts within the Spanish-speaking world, that is in Spain and Hispanoamerica (the part of Latin America that was colonized by Spaniards and where today Spanish is official language). The analyzed discourses appear in different media: in the case of Spain the problem of the imperialism is present mainly in these regions where the cultural (regional) traditions are strong, like in Catalonia and Basque Country. In a political battle for independence Spain is treated as an imperialist enemy that occupies old, formerly independent, countries. In the case of Hispanoamerica some political leaders (mainly leftist) use the media (like for example an international TV station TeleSUR, founded thanks to an initiative of Hugo Chávez) to their propaganda, although today the main imperialist enemy is the United States (and not Spain) with its “neoliberal”, “neocolonial” economic policy towards poorer nations of Latin America.