The paper is dealing with the constitutional and historical importance of Act I. of 1946. In 1946 Hungary has changed its form of government. The passage of Act I of 1946 has defined Hungary’s form of government as a republic. In addition to the creation of a republic, the legislation provided powers for the president of the Hungarian Republic. Moreover, the Preamble of Act I. of 1946 was the first document in the Hungarian constitutional history which summarized and declared the most important natural and inalienable rights of the citizens.

The Constitution of Hungary as a “political manifesto” of nowadays parliamentary majority

The Fidesz–KDNP coalition won the Hungary parliamentary elections of 2010, which was held in April and May. Coalition capturing two-thirds of seats in National Assembly. Despite the fact that in the Election manifesto were no declarations to change the Fundamental Law, the process of creating the new constitution was started after two months after the election. The final draft of the Basic Law was voted on in National Assembly after less than 9 month after the Election and it’s called “the Fidesz’ Fundamental Law”. During four years (2012–2016) the Parliament passed six amendment acts to the Fundamental Law. Whose main purpose was to adapt it to Fidesz’ political philosophy. Thanks to two-thirds majority, the Government coalition could freely shape the Fundamental Law and (after reform of the judiciary) voluntary in its interpretation.

The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orbán’s policies.

The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orban’s policies.

From making offerings to indigenous gods to sancti reges et duces, or the Arpad adventure with the sacred

The article explores the specificity of early medieval Hungarian Christianity, which lay in the existence of two metropolises in the Kingdom, i.e., Esztergom and Kalocsa, and the belief in the sanctity of the Árpád dynasty, expressed as early as in the second half of the thirteenth century.

The Constitutional Court has functioned in Hungary since 1989. Its activity shaped the frame of democratic state of law and influenced the constitutional order in Hungary. In 2011 the National Assembly passed the new Act on the Constitutional Court that replaced a previous one from 1989. The provisions of the Act and the Fundamental Law reduced the role and position of the Court as a separated body in the tripartite power division. The reduction of competences is accompanied by the diminishing of the concluded cases as well.

Under democratic conditions, the enforcement of educational rights and obligations is one of the guarantees that the education and training system can fulfill its function effectively. In Hungary, the system of educational institutions and legal protection operating within the framework of the rule of law dates back to more than a quarter of a century, but experience in such a short period of time is significant. By presenting some of the rights and obligations related to public education, the paper gives the reader an idea of how a post-socialist country in Central and Eastern Europe operates its public education system and how it was able to adapt to European norms more than 30 years after the public law regime change. At the same time, this approach not only informs about the realization of the second-generation rights to education in Hungary, but also provides insight into the current direction of public education policy, for example through the issue of centralization-decentralization. Therefore, the study examines only those public education legal relations that are the most characteristic in terms of the presentation of the Hungarian system - in the opinion of the author -, and best reflect the public education conditions in Hungary.

The article discusses the issues of evolution of the political position of heads of government in Hungary. The time frame is between 1990 and 2020. A wide historical spectrum is included as well, showing the transformations of the supreme bodies of state power. After 1989, Hungary opted to establish a parliamentary cabinet system, with some strengthening of the government’s powers. The institution of the Prime Minister has become a real instrument of political power for the leaders of political factions in the countries discussed. The analysis takes into account both constitutional regulations and political practice over the past nearly 30 years. A particular strengthening of the political position of the Prime Minister can be seen after 2010.

Territorial and cultural autonomies in Transylvania. The pursuit and interpretations

The article presents the endeavours on the part of the multi-national and multicultural population living in Transylvania to create, within a span of several centuries, various types of autonomies, be it cultural or territorial.

Hungary’s role in the activity of the Ustasha – Croatian Revolutionary Movement (1929–1934)

Hungary’s role in the activity of the Ustasha - Croatian Revolutionary Movement (1929-1934). The Ustasha (Ustaša) movement developed in Hungary, establishing its cadre organisation framework, seeking the support of Croatian migrant communities and training task forces in diversion and terrorist tactics. Following their disclosure, however, they were no longer supported by the Hungarian authorities.

This article critically examines the main features of respective socio-economic legal frameworks to determine whether they constitute the specificity of Polish and Hungarian populism. The principle of equality serves as a theoretical framework for the assessment of both types of social design. Based on this legal criterion, differences in the social visions of both countries emerge, unveiling the perspective of an exclusive and inclusive social design. However, the conclusion appears that it is not the social-economic model itself that determines the specificity of populism in both countries but its juxtaposition with cultural arguments. Polish and Hungarian populisms are thus defined primarily by social frameworks and secondary by the rhetoric’s cultural component. The combination of social issues with those of cultural kind forms the substantive background of populism in its Polish and Hungarian editions.

The article analyzes the concept of illiberal democracy exemplified by two case studies of Hungary and Poland. The thesis of the paper states that their political systems showed signs of immaturity and institutional weakness of liberal democracy that caused the impossibility of rejection of illiberal project of political changes. To explain the breakdown of liberal democracy the paper aims at revealing both social and institutional aspects of transformation. The conclusions of the research let us to formulate the four-staged concept of the development of illiberal democracy in Hungary and Poland. The concept bases on the trajectory that begins with the social frustration of liberal democracy that leads to support for a populist party, which after victorious elections, implement the illiberal pattern of democracy. Methodologically the research benefits from the analytic and synthetic methods, the comparative method and institutional approach.

Udział organów władzy w stanowieniu prawa na Węgrzech

Na Węgrzech organem władzy ustawodawczej jest Parlament. Według regulacji Konstytucji węgierskiej kompetencję do uchwalania ustawodawstwa przysługuje Parlamentowi, najwyższemu organowi reprezentacji ludowej. Przedmiotem artykułu jest przedstawienie roli organu władzy ustawodawczej w procesie ustawodawczym. Autorzy odwołują się również do udziału innych organów władzy państwowej w stanowieniu prawa.

The Hungarian Parliament. Traditions, Dilemmas and Current Changes

The article deals with the origin, history and present of the Hungarian Parliament. Its roots go back to the Middle Ages, but the main focus is on the last two centuries. The foundations of modern parliamentarism were laid in the revolutionary year of 1848. Since then, the parliamentary system has undergone many metamorphoses. Particular attention is paid to the developments and changes after the adoption of the new Fundamental Law of Hungary in 2011. Since then, the Parliament has been operating in a regime where the dominant force has a qualified majority, which has naturally been reflected in its concrete activities and work.

This paper, examining the Hungarian example argues that that the price is high if a constitutional moment to adopt a constitution based on wide societal compromise has been missed. The constitution-making process might then be completed either by activist courts or by activist political forces. Hungary experienced two major constitutional reforms, both missing a consensual constitutional momentum. The first transformation in 1989–90, which replaced the socialist authoritarian system by democracy, was brought about by political elites, lacking democratic legitimacy, keeping the formal legal framework of the socialist constitution. The second reform in 2011 brought a formally new constitution (Fundamental Law of Hungary), initiated and adopted solely by the governing party (FIDESZ) with a constitutional majority, without consensus. The Constitutional Court both times attempted to play an active, corrective role in the aftermath of the constitution-making.

On the question of origin of St. Svorad and eremitic influences at the monastery on Mount Zobor. The author of the article refers to the search for the roots of eremitic movement in Slovakia in the early 11th century, which is linked to St. Svorad.

The Visegrád Group (V4) countries in the face of the war in Ukraine. Defense diplomacy during the first year of the war

Tense Russian-Ukrainian relations, sparked by the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Ukraine’s pro-European and pro-NATO ambitions, led to a Russian invasion on the country, significantly undermining the sense of security in the region. Especially the countries in close proximity to Ukraine, including Visegrad Group states, felt the threat from Russia and took a series of actions to provide a solid and decisive response to Moscow’s neo-imperial actions. The support extended had a multidimensional character, encompassing political, diplomatic, military, financial, and humanitarian areas, playing a fundamental role in sustaining Ukraine’s functioning and its military capabilities, particularly in the initial period after the invasion. The aim of the article is to synthetically depict, from a Polish perspective, the engagement of Visegrad Group countries in implementing the ideas and tasks of defense diplomacy in the first year of the war in Ukraine, from February 24, 2022, to February 24, 2023.