- Author:
Michał Lubina
- E-mail:
michal.lubina@uj.edu.pl
- Institution:
Jagiellonian University (Poland)
- Year of publication:
2017
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
221-238
- DOI Address:
http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017114
- PDF:
ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017114.pdf
This article deals with public, political discourse over One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative in Poland. OBOR has recently become very popular in Poland as it encapsulates the noticeable fascination on China and on geopolitics among parts of Polish society. This article describes this phenomenon and delaminates the mainstream political discourse over OBOR into two main strands: great geopolitical and/or geoeconomic chance (pro-OBOR discourse) and security threat (anti-OBOR). The advocates of the former see the project as a great geopolitical and economic opportunity for Poland; the supporters of the latter find it a threat to Polish security and/or economic interests. This discourse echoes internal divisions within current Polish government on its China policy and can be observed against the background of China’s dynamic enter to Central and Eastern Europe, particularly to Czech Republic, Hungary and Serbia.
- Author:
Jakub Potulski
- E-mail:
wnsjp@univ.gda.pl
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Gdański, Poland
- Year of publication:
2017
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
54-85
- DOI Address:
http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2017303
- PDF:
npw/14/npw2017303.pdf
Article “Russia and China in the Central Asia. Cooperation or competition” is dedicated to the important problem of the Russia and China foreign policy in Central Asia. In the article the geopolitical situation of Central Asia at the present stage is analyzed. Special attention on the author is paid to interaction of Russia and China with the region’s countries. Author describes general trends of Russia and China policy. It contains the analysis of basic coincidence of strategic interest of Russia and China and basic imaginations of Central Asia among the Russian and Chinese political elite. Special attention on the author is paid to historical process who create the basic interest and imaginations. Author esteemed historical features of Russia–China relations in the region ant try to predict the future relationship between Russia and China in the Central Asia.
- Author:
Robert Jakimowicz
- E-mail:
jakimowr@uek.krakow.pl
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie, Poland
- Year of publication:
2017
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
27-46
- DOI Address:
http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2017102
- PDF:
npw/12/npw2017102.pdf
This article discusses the realization of the conception of the New Silk Road in the countries of East-Central Europe. Author in the introduction of the article described the idea of The New Silk Road and its six corridors. Then, it was depicted format “16+1” and its meaning for the realization of the Chinese conception in first part of the article. Moreover, it became underlined the meaning economic buildings „the Belt and Road” for the countries of Central-East-Europe. Author in second part represented Poland in the format „16+1” and her relation to the New Silk Road.
- Author:
Marek Borys
- E-mail:
m.borys@akademia.mil.pl
- Institution:
Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
- Year of publication:
2018
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
111-129
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20181806
- PDF:
npw/18/npw1806.pdf
The development of Chinese soft power in Central Asia – opportunities and challenges
The article presents analysis of the development of China’s soft power in Central Asia. Since 2005, China has been trying to promote Chinese language and culture in Central Asia. Institutes of Confucius began to appear in the region. There are currently 13 of them. More and more youth from this region are learning Chinese. They also go to China to study at Chinese universities. Learning Chinese language increases the prospects of professional development and employment for people from the region. However, China still has a long way to achieve a satisfactory level of promoting its culture in the region. There are accusations that Beijing wants to train the Central Asian elites in line with the Chinese model. Central Asian states are, however, particularly sensitive to their cultural heritage. Cultural independence is among the foreign policy priorities of these countries. Beijing should continue to increase efforts to create a positive image in the countries of the region. The new Silk Road is becoming an important element of diplomacy to promote Chinese soft power.
- Author:
Aleksandra Bartosiewicz
- E-mail:
aleksandra.bartosiewicz@uni.lodz.pl
- Institution:
University of Lodz
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6464-9277
- Author:
Paulina Szterlik
- E-mail:
paulina.szterlik@uni.lodz.pl
- Institution:
University of Lodz
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1792-4691
- Year of publication:
2020
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
9-27
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20202401
- PDF:
npw/24/npw2401.pdf
New Silk Road – An Opportunity for the Development of Rail Container Transport in Poland?
Poland, due to its location in the center of Europe, is a key element of the New Silk Road (NSR), an initiative that attempts to create the shortest land connection between China and Western Europe. This article analyzes various industry reports, national development strategies up to 2030, and EU and local projects to see is the further development of NSR an opportunity for container rail transport in Poland. As it turns out, the issue discussed in the article has hitherto been outside the circle of researchers’ interest, thus the analysis is an important supplement to the existing research gap. It indicates that the further participation of Poland in the Chinese One Belt One Road initiative is a great opportunity for the economic growth of the Republic of Poland (RP).
- Author:
Michał Zaremba
- E-mail:
michal.zaremba@uni.lodz.pl
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Łódzki
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9525-9100
- Year of publication:
2020
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
95-116
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20202706
- PDF:
npw/27/npw2706.pdf
The Great Missing One. India and the Belt and Road Initiative
The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), popularly known as the New Silk Road, from the moment of initiation, arouses interest of researchers and policy makers. Due to its scale and multidimensionality, this initiative potentially may help to reconstruct or at least deeply change the world order. The bold ambitions of China create not only impresses but also concerns many countries, including the equally ambitious emerging superpower - India. The aim of the article is to analyze India’s reactions to the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative.
- Author:
Mukesh Shankar Bharti
- Institution:
Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
241-262
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.76.13
- PDF:
apsp/76/apsp7613.pdf
The aim of this research is to describe China’s Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) in the context of broader economic cooperation among the Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). This research investigates the infrastructural development in the CEE countries under the 17+1 initiative in the entire region. Further, this study explores different approaches of economic cooperation between CEEC and China and points out the Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in individual CEE-17 countries. What kind of cooperation and mutual interrelation does China’s economic cooperation develop with the member states of the 17+1 initiative? To what extent do the CEE countries transform their economy in the framework of the 17+1 project? It is very clear that China needs to develop more effective mechanisms for wider cooperation in CEE countries to achieve the goal of the BRI initiative. This research mainly produces empirical studies to investigate the objectives and hypotheses. As of now, the result of the BRI initiative and 17+1 framework projects impacted limited economic transition in the CEE countries. The article concludes that there is a need to accelerate different BRI projects proportionally in the CEE countries. Moreover, this study shows that there is a trade deficit between the CEE countries and China. This article indicates that as a recommendation for bilateral cooperation between CEE countries and China, there is a need for large levels of cooperation at the regional level.
- Author:
Marcin Adamczyk
- E-mail:
marcin.adamczyk@uwr.edu.pl
- Institution:
University of Wrocław, Poland
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3432-0358
- Author:
Piotr Grabowiec
- E-mail:
piotr.grabowiec@uwr.edu.pl
- Institution:
University of Wrocław, Poland
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0248-6775
- Year of publication:
2024
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
26-44
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/so2024202
- PDF:
so/30/so3002.pdf
This article is a theoretical consideration of the New Silk Road (NSR) project in an attempt to reconcile the classical geopolitical concepts of continental power by Halford J. Mackinder and Nicolas Spykman and maritime power by Alfred T. Mahan. Indeed, in geopolitical terms, the project is another attempt in history to create a land-sea power as a counterweight to a hegemony based strictly on maritime dominance. It should be emphasised that the project, in addition to the geopolitical dimension, has a subsidiary political- propaganda and economic dimension. The former encompasses a broad spectrum of activities that use psychosocial and political foreign policy tools and that aim to rally states that could potentially join the NJS project. The economic dimension is a contribution to the further expansion of China’s power on the one hand and an opportunity to deepen political ties with these countries on the other. These three approaches and the relationship between them are analysed in depth within a framework of China’s endeavour to establish a continental and maritime power.