Celem artykułu jest analiza i ocena współpracy między Polską i Stanami Zjednoczonymi w zakresie wdrażania w życie Inicjatywy Trójmorza. We wprowadzeniu zarysowano specyfikę i cele TSI oraz główne założenia metodologiczne artykułu. Dwie pierwsze części poświęcono odpowiednio geopolitycznemu i gospodarczemu znaczeniu TSI dla Polski oraz dla regionu Europy Środkowo- Wschodniej i USA. Zasadnicza część artykułu koncentruje się na wspólnych działaniach Polski i Stanów Zjednoczonych na rzecz promowania i wdrażania TSI. Problem badawczy zawiera się w dwóch pytaniach badawczych: Czy zainicjowanie przez Polskę TSI zwiększyło jej znaczenie w polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa USA? Czy Polsce skutecznie udało się włączyć USA do współpracy na rzecz rozwoju TSI? Dzięki inicjatywie Polska umocniła w USA wizerunek lidera regionu, a administracja Donalda Trumpa zdecydowanie poparła i zaangażowała się w projekt. Istnieją szanse dalszej współpracy w ramach TSI, ponieważ podejście administracji Joego Bidena do tego projektu jak dotąd jest pozytywne. Podczas badań skorzystano z metody analizy źródeł tekstowych.

W wyniku rozpadu bloku wschodniego wiele państw uzyskało niepodległość i suwerenność, w tym zdolność do prowadzenia samodzielnej polityki naukowej. Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy podział geograficzny uwzględniający państwa europejskie i azjatyckie różnicował poziom ich aktywności naukowej (z wyłączeniem Federacji Rosyjskiej). Wyniki przeprowadzonych analiz wskazują, że państwa europejskie mają istotnie wyższy udział wydatków na badania i rozwój oraz zatrudniają znacznie większą liczbę pracowników w sektorze R&D (ang. research and development) niż państwa azjatyckie. Jednocześnie autorzy afiliujący w państwach azjatyckich mają nieznacznie wyższy udział publikacji pisanych we współpracy z autorami o afiliacji z innych państw, co może wskazywać na przyjęcie strategii intensyfikacji międzynarodowej współpracy naukowej.

Systemic Geopolitical Analysis in the research of power distribution in Eastern Europe

The article presents Systemic Geopolitical Analysis, which as a scientific method can be an important tool for studying the distribution of power in Eastern Europe, supporting the assumptions of structural realism with an element of quantitative research. This region, as a place where spheres of influence and the ensuing economic and potentially military conflicts meet, is an area where the knowledge of the most precise distribution of power may be a crucial element in the analysis of the genesis of conflicts, the shifts in power distribution during their course, as well as in the prediction of future flashpoints. Being the first attempt to correlate Systemic Geopolitical Analysis with the issue of conflicts in Eastern Europe, the paper contains a hypothesis that Systemic Geopolitical Analysis is a research method that enables an effective analysis of the geopolitical reality in the region because of: 1) the conflicts occurring in the system due to differences in power distribution; 2) the nature of the components of power, measurable by the means of Systemic Geopolitical Analysis. Confirming the above hypothesis, the article points to the economic aspect, linked to the Russian natural gas exports, and the military aspect, by taking into account the characteristics of contemporary tensions in the region, which reduce the role of supra-systemic reserves.

‘Central Asia’ is a unique and diverse region of the world that landmass distinct from other regions and sedentary civilisation is one of the characteristics. The geography of this region is considered a controversial discourse among scholars in international relations and, Europeans prefer to call them ‘Central Eurasia’, but Asian scholars frequently used the term ‘Central Asia’. However, the history of Asia was not stable and similar in the past. In this regard, this article tries to find the status of the Central Asia in international relations from a historical to empirical discussion in academia. Through the discourse analysis applied here to trace scholars, historians, institutions, governments, and sociologists’ perspective how they treat ‘Central Asia’, whether it is a deeply profound ‘region’ or precise existence. The initial argument says that Central Asia is more significant due to the geostrategic point of view and attracts superpowers in the ground of diplomacy play.

Russian private military companies and their role in domestic and foreign policy

Russia’s use of private military companies has strengthened in recent years, reflecting lessons learned from past actions, an expansive mindset and a desire for economic, geopolitical and military benefits. Military operations in Ukraine, starting from 2014, were one of the first tests for PMC. Since then, the Russians have perfected their model of operation. Even though the activities of private contractors are illegal under the Russian Constitution, they play an important role in pursuing Russian interests, mainly abroad. They weaken US influence and support Russia’s geopolitical, military and economic interests. They are present in as many as 30 countries on four continents. The purpose of this article is to define the role of Russian private military companies in the internal and external policy of the Russian Federation.

The significance of maritime interactions has impacted coastal and landlocked countries. Nepal’s response to the US-led Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) signifies the same. For Nepal, crossing seas was culturally associated with sin as an objective to fulfill the isolationist policy adopted until the political change of 1950. As such, Nepal’s interaction with the sea was not so friendly in the past. However, these historical shreds of evidence cannot suffice as the reason behind her denial of joining the IPS. Most of the available literature divulges the sensitive geographical position of Nepal in the context of the rise of China and the projection of a ‘new Cold War’ for its reluctance to join the Indo-Pacific strategy. However, they fail to probe into the domestic intricacies contributing to the hesitation. In this context, this paper primarily tries to dwell upon the actors and factors that have influenced Nepal’s dubiety in joining the Indo-Pacific Strategy. Thus, this paper aims to fulfill two objectives. First, to analyze the role of geographical sensitivity, and second, to scrutinize the domestic interplay of things. As exploratory qualitative research, this study reviews the official documents, agreements, statements, speeches, and reports from think tanks and newspapers to hypothesize that besides external factors there are integral internal elements that have played a part in Nepal’s denial to join the strategic partnership.

The study deals with China’s trade and Economic cooperation in the Horn of Africa. This research aims to focus on infrastructural development in the region under China’s Belt and Road Initiative framework. Further, the central purpose of this research is to discuss Chinese investment in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Kenya and Somalia. The research uses a qualitative analysis approach to discuss the research problems and tries to find out core findings. The following question deals with this study, how does China expand its trade and investment in the Horn of Africa? To what extent has China developed ties with the Horn of African countries in the context of BRI projects? As a result, China has developed a strong stance in the Horn of Africa in the context of trade and investment. This study concludes that China has enormous challenges within these countries to manage interstate issues for security purposes that are necessary for the success of infrastructure development and other BRI-related projects.

Security Challenges of the Kaliningrad Region

Attention is focused on the issues of national security of the state, taking into account the general development of the country and the realization of its national interests. It is noted that the interpretation of the essence of current threats and challenges optimizes the methodological substantiation of the tasks of guaranteeing the provision of national security. The characteristics of regional security are presented. Attention is focused on the peculiarities of the European region. The emergence of significant exogenous challenges in the 21st century, which represented a serious threat to the security of the member states of the European Union, was noted. The problems of ensuring regional security are outlined. Indicators are presented that have led to a significant increase in the risks of security instability in the European region and provide an opportunity for an uncontrolled arms race. The list of factors that cause the decline of the region is considered. Changes in the political situation of the United States of America and their impact on the situation in the European Union are characterized. The activation of the United Kingdom in matters of ensuring security in Europe in the context of NATO and due to the activation of bilateral relations with European countries was determined. It was noted that the aggressive position of the Russian Federation led to a significant deterioration of the security situation around Ukraine and directly in the region. Attention is focused on issues of national security of Poland in the current political situation. The cooperation of Ukraine, Lithuania and Poland to contain the military threat from Russia was noted. The aggravation of the confrontation between Lithuania and Russia regarding the provision of Kaliningrad was emphasized. It is indicated that NATO representatives are significantly concerned about the strategic Kaliningrad region of Russia. It is noted that Russia is actively engaged in strengthening its military presence. Options for actions of the NATO army in the event of an escalation of the military conflict and expansion of the coverage area were considered. It is indicated that a possible option of escalation around Kaliningrad will cause the situation to worsen. Options for confronting the aggressor country in the short term and in the format of coexistence for a longer term are considered. The influence of Belarus on the situation in the region due to the growth of migration was noted. This leads to the discrediting of Poland and Lithuania for supporting Belarusian dissidents who seek to avoid political repression. It is stipulated that the Baltic and Polish political leaders analyze the crisis through the prism of national security. The position of Poland in the settlement of regional conflicts is considered. It is indicated that the political position of Poland should be aimed at preventing the realization of an unfavorable scenario. It is noted that the priority should be the expansion of ground forces and aviation, which ensure reliable deterrence of the Russian Federation.

The external and internal geopolitical prerequisites of revolt of 1916

In is article the authors consider geopolitical situation which developed at the time of revolt of 1916 in Central Asia, raising questions of collision of political interests of the Russian and British empires.

According to W. Lutosławski, every nation has its language/tongue, its historical past, but none of these features alone or in whole, does not determine the nation. He notices, that “only an existing national type, the kind of the ego is creating its language, its history and is impersonating the certain race”. The amount of such types is, according to W. Lutosławski, limited and not every people speaking the different language are a nation even if it has the racial distinction/separatness and the political history. His further statement is not entirely understandable, that “the real nation in its being isn’t limited to one planet, but has its representatives in the entire universe, although on the different planets they are not speaking the same language and have a various history”. The language, the race, the history, the custom – they aren’t creating the nation the more so that everyone can speak foreign languages. A nation isn’t the entire mass of people speaking one language but a slim circle of spirits, which are conscious of their separateness amongst the other nations. “The national awareness is an awareness of the existence of the ego fundamentally similar to our ego and whereby differing in the equal way as we do from the other egos we come across”. This way W. Lutosławski seems to be one of the precursors of the researches about the identity, also the national one. A nationality is an outside word of the invisible existence which a nation is, and it won’t be possible to reduce the contacts of the individual with the nation to such elements as language, tradition, custom. So there is/exists a serious difference between the nation and the nationality. The people living at present are only a material for nations. The state, compared with the nation, is a lower-level existence, dependent on time and space The work of Wincentego Lutosławski is located in a current of the Utopian social-political novels of the turning point of the 19th and 20th century. It is worth the attention on the account of the role which, according to this author, the Poles should play after the world war, which burst in four years after publishing this book by him. It is worthwhile noticing the similarity of some, or even a majority, of his political ideas with the views of Polish conservatives. However what must strike the today’s reader is an inconsistency of the arguments of the author, the numerous repetitions, returning to the topics/threads/trains that seemed to be already closed, the lack of historical reflection, not to say factual mistakes in this area. There is no doubt that the philosophical knowledge of Wincenty Lutosławski turned out to be insufficient for making an effort of supporting the framed vision of the future with the historical material. However very interesting are the accurate predictions concerning the growth of industry, the trade, the transport – albeit the current state of affairs still does not fulfill the forecasts of W. Lutosławski.

The European Union’s Economic Development Strategy and Cooperation with the Countries of Central Asia

The purpose of this study is to analyse the European Union (EU) economic and development cooperation in Central Asia. EU’s economic support to Central Asian countries strengthens its position in this region. Central Asia is a key strategic area for cooperation and the EU seems to have deeper engagement. Moreover, this research highlights the EU’s strategic gear up with Central Asian countries from 2007 to till now. Since the EU launched the Central Asia Strategy in 2007, the objective of this policy is to provide development assistance and establish diplomatic channels in the region. The following research questions rely on, why is Central Asia important to the EU and how does it shape relations with Central Asian countries? And this study relies on qualitative analysis that will be used in this research which addresses the main research problems. Further, the study uses the empirical approach to justify answers to the questions and identify the research outcomes.

Znaczenie Kaukazu Północnego dla bezpieczeństwa Federacji Rosyjskiej

The article is dedicated to the dilemmas of post-imperial statehood in the context of Russian Federation security, with the particular emphasis on the fundamental alternative: to maintain the polyethnic (quasi-imperial) model of state or to build a nation state. The Author defines the concept of „empire” from the point of view of three determinants: the concentric structure based on center-periphery dichotomy, orientation towards the external mission and imperial idea. From this point of view, Russia is an imperial state (contrary to Tsarist Empire and USSR), neither is a typical nation state. The Author tries to prove that The author tries to demonstrate that the abandonment of federal, multinational state model would be tantamount to the loss of strategically important North Caucasus, which would deprive it of a regional power status. The study contains a multi-faceted exploration of the North Caucasus (which is a highly turbulent region) as a key territory for the global dimension of geostrategy. The Author analyzes potential threats to North Caucasian security and actions taken by Moscow in order to prevent them. He pays attention to the growing popularity of slogans about the necessity of separation of Caucasus and Russia. In his opinion, Caspian-Black Sea Region would become a zone of global destabilization, posing a threat to the world peace.

Russian “historical policy” towards Poland. The “Anti-Katyń” issue

The Russian Federation ruled by Putin seeks to rebuild the superpower position of the USSR, formerly the Russian Empire. A certain difficulty for her is Poland’s attitude and its eastern policy. Hence the use of information warfare means to combat it, including a specific “historical policy” whose origins date back centuries. Due to the need to admit to committing the Katyn massacre, in order to weaken its meaning, the “Anti-Katyń” issue was promoted, based on the alleged genocide of Poles on Russian prisoners of war in 1919–1920. This is a propaganda invention not confirmed by historical facts.

The Russian-Ukrainian conflict as an example of war on the internet

From the beginning of his scientific activities, the author has been devoted to the affairs of Eastern Europe, with particular emphasis on Russia and Ukraine. From his bachelor’s thesis to his doctoral studies, the author’s particular attention was drawn to the issue of possible conflicts in this region of the world. Taking up this geographical area as an interest is related to the geopolitical pragmatism of the author of the text. He devotes all his scientific activity to a didactic approach to understanding the location of the Republic of Poland on the map of Europe and the world, so it seems logical that issues beyond our eastern wall seem more important.

The role of Kaliningrad Region in Lithuanian-Russian relations after the dissolution of the Soviet Union

The process of dissolution of the Soviet Union has led not only to the geopolitical changes in Europe and in the world, but also to the fact that the issue of the Kaliningrad Region became the subject of interest from Baltic states. The Russian exclave has been the subject of debate and political controversy both in Russia and in Lithuania. Initially it was a result of the militarization of Kaliningrad Region and speculation regarding the change in its status. Later, the issue of Kaliningrad Region appeared primarily in the context of the enlargement of the European Union to the east. The importance of the Russian enclave for Lithuania should be considered not only in terms of geopolitical location, but mainly in the context of political, economic and military conditions.

The conducted research indicates the elements characteristic of power relations among states in Eastern Europe by describing them in mathematical terms. Using existing assumptions and resulting universal powermetric models, the study adapts them to the specifics of the region, enabling the implementation of the negative role of the imports of Russian energy resources in calculating the power of individual states. The role of trade links based on the two main energy resources – natural gas and crude oil – has been indicated. Imports of these raw materials from Russia, which constitute a significant part of the balance of resources used in the energy sectors of the importing countries, are the source of reduction of the geopolitical position of these states in the region, in relation to the position held by the Russian Federation. By taking into account the negative impact of trade in energy resources due to their use by the Russian Federation as a tool in achieving geostrategic goals, the conclusions obtained in the study allow for an increase in the accuracy of existing powermetric models in research on power distribution in Eastern Europe.

The outlined problems allow forming an idea and understanding of how modern society perceives and constructs political and ideological foundations. By examining the definition of new paradigms, the author expands knowledge of how contemporary forces such as globalization, migration, and military conflict shape the perspectives of individuals and communities. This study examines the reinterpretation of traditional ideologies and political concepts in the context of new realities. The author considers the impact of globalization on the formation of ideological foundations and the role of citizenship in this context. The impact of geopolitics on modern political philosophy is analyzed, highlighting how global relations and conflicts shape political views. The author notes that ideological political concepts in the 21st century are determined by the complexity of the modern global political landscape and responses to new challenges. The concepts emphasize the importance of global cooperation and shared values, offering an open and transnational vision of the political order; advocate the preservation of sovereignty and cultural identity, rejecting some of the globalization trends in favor of protecting domestic interests; are aimed at the protection of individual rights and freedoms, as well as the support of humanitarian values such as equality and justice; combine ecology and politics, reflecting the desire for sustainable development and solving environmental problems at the level of political strategies. Attention is drawn to the geostrategic aspects of defining national ideologies and the influence of global forces on domestic political processes. The author examines the challenges arising from civilizational oppression, focusing on environmental issues, migration problems and international conflicts. The significance of these challenges for the development of new political concepts and strategies is analyzed. Modern political philosophy questions existing structures and seeks alternative ways of managing society, as well as defining goals and values that should contribute to sustainable development. In-depth reflection on the ethical aspects of politics in the modern world also occupies an important place within the framework of the study. From issues of justice and equality to understanding the relationship between society and nature, the research aims to explore sound and innovative concepts for solving today’s challenges. This article stands out for its relevance and variety of approaches to the consideration of ideologies and political philosophy, contributing to a deeper understanding of modern challenges and the search for new paradigms in political philosophical thinking.

Status and importance of the Three Seas in construction of contemporary global security architecture

This article covers a cross-sectional and updating reflection on the phenomena taking place in the security sphere of the region, the so-called Three Seas. The research subject of the article is the Three Seas Initiative format as a potential subjective keystone of the security of Central and Eastern Europe, treated taking into account historical and current events, as one of the foundations of not only the European or Euro-Atlantic, but also the global security architecture. The priority research goal was to present and analyze the progress and integration and institutional perspectives of the Three Seas Region, and thus an attempt to search for the status arrangements of this format, by analyzing this geopolitical space in the light of, above all, the concept of regional security complexes (but also, among others, geopolitical wedges, the influence of superpowers of the global balance of power). The findings presented in these investigations signal both attempts to comprehensively bind the region with interdependence, attempts at far-reaching rapprochement and co-creation of soft security architecture – in the form of development-progressing infrastructure, as well as pragmatic and conservative behavior, resulting from both the geopolitical dynamics and current national calculations of the Three Seas countries.

Research objective – The aim of this article is to analyse the specifics of Russian information warfare. Starting from the definition of the concept of political strategy, the author tries to show that information warfare is one of the key instruments in the confrontation with Western states, and that the war in Ukraine has intensified Russia’s activities in this area, also towards Central European states. The means and tools used are an instrument for influencing the political and social processes taking place in other countries. Methodology – The study used a comparative method, collecting and analysing historical data and comparing theoretical approaches to categories such as political strategy, information warfare and hybrid warfare. Findings – The correlation analysis of Russian geopolitics and information warfare confirms that it is a dangerous weapon: a means of achieving the state’s goals in international, regional and domestic politics, as well as of ensuring its geopolitical superiority regionally and globally. Practical implications – This study aimed to organise and expand the available literature on the analysis of the specifics of Russian information warfare.

Geopolitical Importance of the Intermarium in Polish-Turkish Relations

Currently, the Republic of Türkiye increasingly claims to be a regional leader and simultaneously tries to strengthen its influence on world politics using its advantageous geopolitical position at the crossroads of important international roads. For historical reasons, Poland occupies a unique place on the map of Europe. It is a regional centre of political contacts, a state integrating with the West and open to cooperation with the East, and having a real opportunity to modify these relations precisely because of its geopolitical potential. Türkiye and Poland remain hostages of geopolitics and history in their respective regions. It is also evidenced by the activity, goals, and interests of the foreign policy pursued by these countries. Nevertheless, one of the current geopolitical projects implemented by Poland in Europe is the “Intermarium”. It is a bloc of anti-Russian states in the area from the Baltic to the Black Sea. In front of this reality, it is substantial to pose the following question: Why does Türkiye need the Intermarium bloc? Although Türkiye does not officially appear to be in this union, it is certain that it is in a state of cooperation. Türkiye is trying to establish a South-North economic-military axis in the Black Sea-Baltic region. Parallelly, Ankara sells weapons, such as Bayraktar TB2 attack UAVs, to Poland and Ukraine. Also, Türkiye signs military agreements with these countries. The study analyses the improvement of the Polish geopolitical idea of Intermarium. Furthermore, it deals with the role that Türkiye will play in the Intermarium project.