Celem artykułu jest określenie oddziaływania Kościoła katolickiego na system polityczny w Polsce odwołanie się do case study – form sprzeciwu Kościoła wobec legalizacji metody zapłodnienia pozaustrojowego in vitro. W nauce o polityce Kościół jest określany jako organizacja wyznaniowa, grupa interesu, aktor polityczny. Autor definiuje Kościół (jako) podmiot, który oddziałuje na system polityczny i jego otoczenie w formie bezpośredniej, pośredniej i sankcji moralnych. Biskupi katoliccy sprzeciwiali się regulacji in vitro, ingerując między innymi w przebieg procesu legislacyjnego. Świadczy to o doniosłym wpływie Kościoła w Polsce na sferę publiczną.

How to be a Polish Jew and supporter of Zionism-revisionist after 1939? The thing about Jakub Perelman’s fate

Jakub Perelman, the author of memoirs, was born on 20 December 1902 in Warsaw. He was politically linked to the Zionist revisionists. This movement was created after the First World War thanks to the activity of Vladimir Jabotinsky. He was a poet, a soldier and a politician. Perelman’s memoirs concern his political activity, Polish-Jewish relations during the Second Polish Republic, events from the Second World War, and his views on life in People’s Poland. The last fragment of the memoir is related to Israel, where Perelman was in the early 1960s.

Early Medieval strongholds on the Chodelka River and their settlement base

The article discusses issues related to four early mediaeval strongholds functioning in 8–12th c. in the valley of the Chodelka River. This river is the tributary of the Vistula River located in the west part of the Lublin region. The article discusses the characteristics of strongholds, surrounding settlements and mutual relationship between them.

Strongholds as power institutions in the early-Piast monarchy (in written sources)

Paper summarizes selected source information concerning strongholds as power institutions of Polish monarchy in 10th–12th c. AD: forged foundation diploma for Mogilno Benedictine abbey (with date 1065), papal bullae for Gniezno, Włocławek, Wrocław and Kraków dioceses, and relevant fragments of Gallus Anonymus and Magister Vincentius chronicles.

The impact of Hussites’ wagon forts on the Polish military art in the 15th–17th centuries. Background information

The introduction of the paper discusses the purposes, thesis statement and the present state of research. The main body analyses the influence of the Hussite wagon fort on the Polish warfare of the 15th–17th century. The summary contains conclusions concerning the use of the wagon fort on the battlefield by the Polish army.

Requisition or robbery? A case study of usurpation of property by the Red Army – resorting to the example of Września county in 1945

The text revolves around the Red Army’s activity in Greater Poland since the liberation to the dismantling of the Soviet administration in Poznan province. This text deals with requisitions and robberies committed by the Red Army around Września.

The Polish law provides for two types of people’s initiative. One type is a people’s initiative of putting a bill before the parliament as provided for in Art. 118 subpar. 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the Act dated 24 June 1999 on the use of a legislative initiative by citizens. The second type is a people’s initiative of putting forward a motion to hold a legislative referendum regulated by the Act dated 14 March 2003 on holding a national referendum. The legislature did not provide for, however, a people’s initiative for the purpose of amending the constitution or its abrogation. The subject of this paper is the institution of a people’s initiative of putting a bill before the parliament.

The subject of the analysis refers to amnesty acts in Poland in the 20 th century. A thesis is posed in the paper that in principle they take place at the moments which are politically important for the Republic of Poland, the aim of which is to establish them in the social consciousness. Typically, they are the acts of the parliament. The Polish doctrine of law clearly presents a separate character of amnesty acts in reference to the court verdicts. They are an expression of the will of the parliament, independent of the court’s judgment, according to which amnesty should be carried out.

Celem artykułu jest analiza zależności pomiędzy procesami migracyjnymi zachodzącymi na obszarze państwa a jego „otwartością”. Poziom „otwartości” zostaje zdeterminowany, w zaproponowanym ujęciu, ściśle określonym układem relacji zachodzących na linii religia – społeczeństwo – państwo, które prowadzą do ukształtowania jednego z trzech porządków: asymetrycznego (Polska), pozasymetrycznego (Czechy) i symetrycznego (Niemcy). Zestawienie oraz porównanie trzech sąsiadujących ze sobą krajów członkowskich Unii Europejskiej (metoda komparatystyczna i systemowa) pozwala na uchwycenie i potwierdzenie obustronnych zależności. Pokazuje, że skala i dynamika procesów migracyjnych staje się predyktorem „otwartości” współczesnych systemów demokratycznych. Zdecydowanie najwyższym poziomem tak definiowanej „otwartości” cechują się Niemcy, będące, z jednej strony, przykładem symetrycznego układu relacji religia – społeczeństwo –państwo, a z drugiej, architektem europejskiej polityki wobec masowych ruchów ludności z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki Północnej.

Digital government became synonymous with modern, innovative state structures in which information and communications technologies play a key role – both in the realm of public and commercial services. However, the process of digitization is not free of disturbances. Oftentimes, the source of the latter is the so-called human factor. That is why, what is vital is the social research diagnosing how e-services are received, with the research assessing the level of knowledge on the dangers connected therewith or else, describing the expectations towards the services provided online. Neglecting such research usually leads up to the misallocation of public resources. This paper presents the results of the research conducted among the inhabitants of Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship, with the research testing their attitudes towards public e-services.

W artykule podjęto rozważania dotyczące czynników, które motywują studentów przy podjęciu decyzji o wyjeździe zagranicznym w ramach programu wymiany Unii Europejskiej Erasmus+. Omówiono teoretycznie czynniki zarówno o podłożu poznawczym, takie jak: chęć poznawania kultury kraju przyjmującego, doskonalenie kompetencji językowych uczestników, możliwość podniesienia kompetencji zawodowych, czy też te o podłożu ekonomicznym, dotyczy to na przykład czynników związanych z kosztem utrzymania się w kraju wyjazdu. Grupę badaną stanowili polscy studenci wyjeżdżający w ramach programu Erasmus+ do czeskich uczelni oraz czescy studenci przyjeżdżający do uczelni znajdujących się w Polsce. Badaniami zostali objęci studenci kierunków pedagogicznych i filologicznych, studiujący w uczelniach czeskich oraz polskich. Przedmiotem przeprowadzonych badań były czynniki motywujące studentów do wyjazdu zagranicznego w ramach programu Erasmus+ oraz takie, które mogą stwarzać bariery i trudności podczas pobytu za granicą. Wyniki przeprowadzonych badań pozwalają zauważyć, że przy wyborze kraju goszczącego przez studentów największy udział mają nie czynniki motywacyjne o podłożu poznawczym, lecz czynniki ekonomiczne, takie jak, np. koszty utrzymania – ten aspekt wskazało najwięcej osób, jako najbardziej istotny przy wyborze miejsca wyjazdu. Można stwierdzić, że studenci wyjeżdżający na częściowe studia zagraniczne w ramach programu Erasmus+ kierują się najczęściej czynnikami o podłożu ekonomicznym, a więc sam wyjazd jest dla nich przede wszystkim czasem pewnej niezależności finansowej, a czynniki o podłożu poznawczym stanowią wartość dodaną mobilności. Optymizmem napawa fakt, że studenci w grupie badanej okazali się otwarci na poznawanie kultury kraju goszczącego.

Criminal liability of the President of Poland 

In this paper, we presented the criminal responsibility of the Republic of Poland President before the Tribunal of State and related issues. Objective scope of this responsibility against other republican European countries was described. Time scope of the criminal responsibility of the president as well as matters related to the procedure and modes of impeachment by the National Assembly have also been mentioned. In the second part of the paper, we presented the right to fair trial issues and characterized the role of the Tribunal of State as the adjudicating body in the criminal proceeding. International Criminal Court judicature was also mentioned.

Regarding the independence of the general public prosecutor

The hereby study is an attempt to indicate the factual effects of the introduction of the Act of October 9, 2009 on the Modification of the Act on Public Prosecutor’s Office and Other Acts regarding the Division between the Function of the General Public Prosecutor and the Post of Minister of Justice. Arguments raised during the debate on the bill allowed to assume that, as an effect of the act, the General Public Prosecutor shall be granted a large deal of independence. In fact, the modifications consist in a change regarding a functional relation with the executive power, dissolving any relations with the current policy and the public prosecutor’s office due to the resignation from the subordination to the Ministry of Justice, and not separation. The issue of the new positioning of the General Public Prosecutor among the authorities, the procedure of appointing him and available mechanisms of liability, have been indicated in the study.

This article focuses on relations between Poland and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea after 1989. Before 1989, bilateral relations between these countries were very close. As of now, the behavior of North Korea toward Poland is based on a rational behavior. The Polish foreign policy toward North Korea is within the EU framework, which supports an evolutionary change in character of the North Korean regime. Poland is involved in North Korea through different fields, especially such as the humanitarian one.

“Grandma Austria”, Polonia rediviva and the traps of destiny. Tadeusz Kudliński’s tricky interlinear gloss on post-Partitions history – The Grabowski Saga

This paper is an interpretation of Poland’s post-Partitions history as depicted in The Grabowski Saga, a story by Tadeusz Kudliński (1980). The focus is on the attitudes of the conservative Galician landed gentry to insurrectionary ideas.

After 1989, Poland’s foreign policy initially prioritized aiming for membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and, upon achieving this goal, the focus shifted to strengthening the bonds with these organizations. This very image was not disturbed even by a short period of time (2005–2007), during which a coalition of the Euroskeptics and the extreme Right ruled the country. However, some symptoms were noticeable back then, regarding a certain change in the manner of thinking about the role of the foreign policy within the framework of state policies or about the model of the unification of Europe. After 8 more years of Poland’s existence within the main trend of European integration processes, a rapid shift to the right occurred on the domestic political scene and in consequence the Law and Justice party achieved full and selfcontained authority. Since that very moment, we have been observing a Warsaw-Brussels conflict that seems to be escalating with almost every passing day. What initiated the conflict? What matters does it concern? What is the possible course of events? In this article, we shall attempt at providing an answer to these, as well as other questions.

Against the background of modern nation-building the article looks at the work of two eminent 19th century historians, the Pole Joachim Lelewel and the Russian Mikhail Pogodin. The text investigates how they tried to shape a modern Slavic Idea by means of historical and political writing.

Vymýšlení slovanské jednoty nebo politické využití romantické koncepce. Případ Mikhaila P. Pogodina a Joachima Lelewela

Central functions of strongholds in early medieval societies

Early medieval strongholds had various functions – e.g. symbolic, geopolitical, political-administrative and administrative-fiscal. Great majority were built after the mid 9th century. In the 2nd quarter of the 10th c. a network of strongholds indicates the nascent Piast state.

Centrální funkce hradišť v raně středověkých společnostech

Stronghold organization vs. stronghold-castellan organization: the example of Silesia

In the paper, the nature of the transformation of local governance structures between the united monarchy of Piasts of the 11th–12th centuries and the dukedoms of the early 13th century was studied, exemplified by the case of Silesia.

Hradská a hradsko-kastelánská soustava na příkladu Slezska

About Poland in the Czech Republic in the context of Central and Eastern Europe

Polish studies have a long tradition in the Czech Republic. The Congress of the Polish Studies, held in Prague in 2013, attempted to present the current state of research on Polish issues. Two monographs were published as the proceedings of the congress. This paper discusses the second one, i.e., The Czech studies on Poland in the context of Central and Eastern Europe.