Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje konsekwencje polityczne związane z wprowadzeniem w wyborach do organów kolegialnych j.s.t. większościowego systemu wyborczego, z zastosowaniem JOW- -ów i przy użyciu formuły większości zwykłej, zaprezentowane na przykładzie województwa podlaskiego. Symulacji wyników wyborów przy systemie większościowym dokonano na podstawie danych z wyborów samorządowych z 2018 i 2014 r. w woj. podlaskim. Wnioski wyciągnięte z dokonanej analizy zostały zaprezentowane w formie końcowych konkluzji i propozycji modyfikacji aktualnego systemu wyborczego w wyborach do organów kolegialnych j.s.t.

Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. stworzyła możliwość wprowadzenia trzech odmiennych stanów nadzwyczajnych w sytuacji szczególnych zagrożeń. Specjalne przepisy dotyczące stanów nadzwyczajnych zostały określone w trzech odrębnych ustawach, które zostały przyjęte w 2002 r. W latach 2005–2019 w Polsce wystąpiły liczne zdarzenia, które media określały jako klęski żywiołowe. Pomimo że regulacje ustawowe obowiązują od 2002 r. (Dz.U. 2002 nr 62 poz. 558), w Trzeciej Rzeczypospolitej nigdy nie wprowadzono stanu nadzwyczajnego. Posłowie w ramach swojej aktywności parlamentarnej kierowali na przestrzeni V, VI, VII i VIII kadencji zapytania i interpelacje w tej sprawie. Analiza aktywności poselskich związanych ze stanem klęski żywiołowej może być pomocna przy próbie identyfikacji sposobu postrzegania tego stanu nadzwyczajnego przez polityków, a to z kolei pozwoli ustalić przyczyny nieposługiwania się tym instrumentem prawnym przez rządzących.

Generacja 50 plus w Polsce w roku 2019 stanowiła 37,5% społeczeństwa. To grupa zróżnicowana w wielu wymiarach, także w stosunku do e-administracji. W artykule zostaje dokonana analiza postaw respondentów do e-usług w obszarze administracji publicznej oraz przyczyn niekorzystania z nich. Wyniki badań wskazują na to, że generacja 50 plus rzadziej korzysta z e-administracji, ale także z internetu. Sytuacja jednak zmienia się, gdyż wskaźnik niekorzystających z internetu w tej grupie sukcesywnie się zmniejsza. Wieloletnie eksploracje wskazują na to, że respondenci przyczyn niekorzystania z e-administracji upatrują przede wszystkim w poziomie bezpieczeństwa danych przekazywanych online oraz braku umiejętności u obywateli: taki obraz jest niezmienny od wielu lat. W konkluzjach autorka uwzględnia także sytuację związaną z pojawieniem się wirusa SARS-CoV-2, czy jednak obywatele byli i są przygotowani do funkcjonowania urzędów w reżimie sanitarnym?

Celem artykułu jest określenie specyfiki problemu imigracji zarobkowej do Polski do 2020 roku. Autorzy poświęcą uwagę aspektowi budowania strategii integracji imigrantów zarobkowych. Weryfikacji poddana zostanie hipoteza, mówiąca o tym, że specyfika imigracji zarobkowej do Polski sprzyja adaptacji imigrantów do społeczeństwa przyjmującego. W tekście dokonano charakterystyki tej specyfiki. Adaptacja imigrantów w Polsce nie jest jedyną właściwą drogą ich integracji. Optymalny model integracji powinien być pochodną przynajmniej trzech czynników: 1) przyjęcia przez władze państwa właściwego, wariantowego modelu integracji społecznej, popartego konsekwentną polityką migracyjną, 2) postawy, jaką przyjmują imigranci wobec praktyk, norm, wartości i wzorów kulturowych społeczeństwa przyjmującego oraz 3) postawy społeczeństwa przyjmującego wobec obcych.

Artykuł ukazuje współpracę transgraniczną między Polską i Ukrainą z perspektywy mikrospołecznej, podkreślającej wymiar tożsamościowy kontaktów społecznych i ich konsekwencje. W przeprowadzonych w grudniu 2019 r. badaniach wśród mieszkańców obszarów przygranicznych Polski i Ukrainy zwrócono uwagę na to, czy współpraca ta stała się wśród mieszkańców terenów przygranicznych ważną perspektywą postrzegania sąsiedzkich relacji, jak mocno wyrażana jest potrzeba jej rozwoju oraz jak postrzegane są jej efekty. W świadomości badanych dominuje perspektywa postrzegania transgranicznych relacji polsko-ukraińskich jako opartych na kontaktach ekonomicznych. Zakorzeniona jest też świadomość asymetrii regionalnych, co wpływa na różnice w postrzeganiu współpracy transgranicznej między mieszkańcami terenów przygranicznych. Mimo różnic badani zwracali uwagę na elementy kulturowe łączące oba narody oraz walory ułatwiające komunikację.

The Town and Trade in the Views of Polish Medievalists around 1916 Generation

The author analyses the similarities and differences in the views of Polish medievalists born ca. 1916 concerning the history of Polish and Slavic towns and trade in the Early and High Middle Ages.

The portrayal of Polish-Russian relations in the Moisey Ostrogorsky’s textbooks

The goal of this article is to show how the history of Polish-Russian relations was presented in textbooks on the national history of the Russian Empire written by Moisey Ostrogorsky (1854-1921). To this end, a textual analysis was carried out.

Since the contemporary public sphere has largely moved online, Twitter has become the leading platform of political debate. Potentially harmful echo spheres, selective exposure and social media filter bubbles that limit individuals to their own opinions can be especially alarming when it concerns politicians. This paper aims to investigate the degree of homophily among Polish MPs, simultaneously indicating the way politicians form follower communication structures. The analysis of the data gathered from Twitter revealed observable elements of polarization at the political affiliation level, although the level of parliament chambers was found meaningless in that case. The Polish political Twittersphere is dominated by the two biggest parties, accurately reflecting parliament composition. The use of communication structure is examined throughout this paper, ultimately confirming the homophilic behavior of specific politicians’ groups, especially in terms of mutual communication and its effectiveness.

This article critically examines the main features of respective socio-economic legal frameworks to determine whether they constitute the specificity of Polish and Hungarian populism. The principle of equality serves as a theoretical framework for the assessment of both types of social design. Based on this legal criterion, differences in the social visions of both countries emerge, unveiling the perspective of an exclusive and inclusive social design. However, the conclusion appears that it is not the social-economic model itself that determines the specificity of populism in both countries but its juxtaposition with cultural arguments. Polish and Hungarian populisms are thus defined primarily by social frameworks and secondary by the rhetoric’s cultural component. The combination of social issues with those of cultural kind forms the substantive background of populism in its Polish and Hungarian editions.

This article discusses the legal basis of citizen e-participation, understood as the use of digital media in the relations of citizens and governments in order to increase participation by citizens. The concept of top-down e-participation determines the scope of analysis. The legal review of the local, national and international law shows that there are some well-regulated levels of e-participation in Poland while others are not a subject of legal regulations.

The aim of this article is to present the dependence path and the number of factors which influenced its shape in the process of achieving transitional justice on the post-Soviet area. In comparative studies carried out in Estonia, Georgia and Poland, it has been demonstrated that there were a number of factors that diversified the process of transformation from the authoritarian to democratic system. The need to settle accounts with the Soviet authoritarian regime was diverse and depended on historical and geopolitical conditions, as well as on the political system which was adopted by individual states after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. It has been observed that in Georgia the process of achieving transitional justice was not initiated but replaced, after consolidating the democratic system, by the process of achieving historical justice; however, in Estonia and in Poland, the problem of settling accounts with the outgoing authoritarian regime constituted one of the key issues of the transformation.

The problems with Christianisation of the Early Piast state in the light of archaeological research

Christianization of the Early Piast state was a difficult and long process which gained momentum during the reign of Boleslav Chrobry. Archaeological evidence for this process includes syncretic behavior typical of periods of an enforced religious change.

The article analyzes the concept of illiberal democracy exemplified by two case studies of Hungary and Poland. The thesis of the paper states that their political systems showed signs of immaturity and institutional weakness of liberal democracy that caused the impossibility of rejection of illiberal project of political changes. To explain the breakdown of liberal democracy the paper aims at revealing both social and institutional aspects of transformation. The conclusions of the research let us to formulate the four-staged concept of the development of illiberal democracy in Hungary and Poland. The concept bases on the trajectory that begins with the social frustration of liberal democracy that leads to support for a populist party, which after victorious elections, implement the illiberal pattern of democracy. Methodologically the research benefits from the analytic and synthetic methods, the comparative method and institutional approach.

Axiological determinants of the attitudes presented by students of aiding courses aimed at the elderly. The case of Poland and Germany – an intercultural perspective

Functioning in a culturally diverse world has become an everyday reality. European integration, globalisation, and migration of people have become contributing factors in this regard. In this context, a key role is played by intercultural education aimed at identifying, understanding, and supporting diversity. This article is empirical in nature. The survey objective was to diagnose and describe the attitudes and system of values of students of the helping professions towards older persons in Poland and Germany. The diagnostic survey was the research method used. Kogan’s Attitudes Towards Older People scale (Kogan OP Scale) and Schwartz’s Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ) were used in the survey. The survey was conducted from October to December 2018. German students (200 persons) constituted the main group, while Polish students (167 persons) were the comparison group. The survey results revealed statistically significant differences between Polish and German students in their attitudes to older persons.

Cybersecurity strategies of New Zealand and Poland in the process of globalization

In this paper an author conduct comparative analysis of New Zealand and Poland cybersecurity strategies. During this research a hypothesis was confirmed that cybersecurity strategies of analyzed countries differ because of their political systems of these countries. Moreover an author has highlighted that alliances known from real world are transformed into cyberspace. Thus New Zealand stay close, when creating cybersecurity, to USA, Australia and Canada, when Poland is committed to the European Union structures.

The organized crime in Poland after 1989 – Pruszkow and Wolomin

The collapse of the Eastern Bloc in 1989 has led to meaningful social, political and economic transformations. The destabilization of polish country, during changes in political system, started the development of the organized crime, abusing the authority and investigative authorities’ weakness. The 90’s are the greatest time of two, coming from Warsaw, groups, which managed to subordinate the whole criminal country – Pruszkow and Wolomin. The “mafia decade” of Pruszkow and Wolomin is the time of: earning enormous fortune, spectacular events and extremely bloody war, carrying a huge number of victims. 90’s is also the time of using experience in creating effective system of fighting against organized crime. Introducing in 1997 the term of crown witness – “apologetic criminal” became the decisive moment. Spectacular end of Pruszkow was the effect of the statement of crown witness – gangsters aggravating their cooperatives. It is all mostly about Jaroslaw Sokolowski, nickname “Masa”. His statement appeared crucial during investigations at the most important members of Pruszkow’s group. Sokolowski`s “flawlessness” as a crown witness, is not clear, in spite 20 years lasted from mentioned incident. The case of Pruszkow and Wolomin presents the danger for country`s safety, what comes from the side of organized crime, during political transformation.

Shuttling to and From. The Polish Experience of Democracy

In many European countries, a crisis of the democratic model of exercising power is noticeable today. This phenomenon is also noticeable in Poland. In the article, the author presents the Polish road to democratic shaping of one’s own, referring to historical experiences from the times of the II RP and PRL. It also draws attention to the moment of a specific breakthrough, which took place in 2015. Since then, the rulers have taken steps to overcome the constitutional mechanisms that inhibit the arbitrariness of exercising power and are striving to centralize governments within one political camp.

Institution of a Polish Judge’s Assistant on the Example of Selected European Countries

The aim of the article will be a trial to identify the “best” solution in Polish legal system, while identifying the main differences and similarities in selected systems of European countries. Taking the differences in the legal traditions and cultures of all judicial systems, there is a need for in-depth comparative studies. The article will characterize the position of a judge’s assistant in Poland in comparison with the other European countries (Austria, Germany, Switzerland, Italy), which had the greatest impact on the development of Polish law. The article analyzes the position of an assistant judge in the Poland in relation to various systems of European law, in the institutional and legal dimension, taking into account practical problems and the applicable legal status. The authors also relied on the Opinion 22 (2019).As the conclusions, the authors proposed, inter alia, change of legal regulations regarding to the promotion of assistants in Poland.

Alternative voting procedures in Polish and Lithuanian election law

Organizing voting in general elections only in the traditional way (i.e., at the ballot boxes) may make it difficult for more and more voters to participate. This is due to the increasing mobility of society and the fact that citizens are away from home on election day, the aging population and much more difficult access of the old and the sick to polling stations, and – as shown in the years 2020–2021 – unexpected epidemic crises that affect public health, which in turn translates into the election process. This article focuses on alternative voting methods in Poland and Lithuania. The main intention of the authors is to analyze the legal basis and compare the functioning of alternative voting procedures in the electoral systems of both countries, as well as to answer the question about the possibility of introducing new forms of voting that could increase the health safety of voters and ensure the democratic nature of elections in emergency situations. The motivation to take up this topic were: the wprowapresidential elections in Poland in 2020 and the parliamentary elections in Lithuania in 2021, during which not only alternative voting methods were used (e.g., correspondence voting), but also the possibility of implementing completely new solutions – safe in the event of spreading coronavirus pandemic.

The article analyses the characteristics of the Polish constitution and government since 1989. This study empirically discusses the dynamics of the constitutional framework and Polish political system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections and the formation of the government in the Republic of Poland. The article describes Samuel P Huntington‘ s theoretical-speculative theory as the primary level of political development in Poland. According to Samuel P Huntington, between 1989 and 1990, several countries from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe moved from totalitarian rule to the democratic forms of government. The constitution was formulated according to the rule of the law and is based on democratic norms. This democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend and Poland was also affected by this wave of democratisation in 1989. The main purpose of this study is to describe the political transformation which is resulted in the democratic government. How does Poland establish the rule of law and a sustainable popular government that follows constitutional norms? The result of this article is that the political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must propose a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, in particular by tackling the compromise of a democratic system on the basis of the Constitution of 1997, e.g. distribution of powers, elections, party politics, the position of the Constitutional Court and functioning of the judiciary in the country.