Celem artykułu jest określenie znaczenia wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych 2015 r. dla procesu ewolucji polskiego systemu partyjnego. Autor weryfikuje trzy hipotezy – pierwszą, według której wybory nie przyniosły zmian w strukturze systemu partyjnego, drugą – wybory zapoczątkowały nowy etap w tym procesie – i trzecią, wskazującą, że wybory przyniosły nowe zjawiska w procesie ewolucji, które w przypadku potwierdzenia się i ugruntowania w przyszłości mogą wprowadzić system partyjny w nowy etap. Autor stwierdza, że trzecia hipoteza w prawidłowy sposób określa znaczenie elekcji 2015 r. Analiza bazuje na metodologii nauk o polityce i prowadzona jest zarówno w wymiarze ilościowym, jak i jakościowym.

Artykuł ten w oparciu o opinie marszałków województw rekonstruuje rolę aktorów regionalnych i centralnych przy podejmowaniu decyzji dotyczących tworzenia koalicji regionalnych w okresie od I do V kadencji. W warstwie teoretycznej analiza odwołuje się do perspektywy rządzenia wielopoziomowego, natomiast szczególnie istotna przy opisie wzorów tworzenia koalicji regionalnych od III do V kadencji jest koncepcja koalicji przystających (congruent coalitions). W związku z trwałością utrzymywania się w regionach koalicji PO-PSL zadane zostało pytanie o korzyści istnienia na tym poziomie podobnych koalicji jak w centrum. Dwie pierwsze kadencje znacząco odbiegały od trendów utrzymujących się od chwili wyborów w 2006 r. W tym czasie politycy regionalni często podejmowali kluczowe decyzje i dopiero rozpoczynało się tworzenie systemu wielopoziomowego.

Funding of Political Parties in the Republic of Estonia

Funding of political parties in Estonia is determined mainly by the Political Parties Act enacted in 1994. It was amended many times and the last meaningful modifications were introduced in 2014. The act assumes a diversification of the financing sources and allows parties to be financed from allocations from the state budget, donations given by a natural persons, membership fees, transactions with the property of the political parties as well as loans. It is worth mentioning that clarity and transparency principles of political parties’ funding are guaranteed by an operation of the independent supervisory body – Estonian Party Funding Supervision Committee.

EEC/EU membership has been one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last 45 years. The 1975 referendum confirmed the UK’s will to stay in the EEC, but it failed to put to rest the argument over Europe. The 2016 referendum took Britain into the opposite direction, but it also reinstated the issue of the EU to the prime slot in British politics, where it is going to stay for the many years needed to settle the new relationship with the EU. The main drivers behind both referenda were the power struggle between the main parties and the gradual entrenchment of Euroscepticism as the dominating standpoint in British right-wing politics. The substantive concerns with EEC/ EU membership were merely a backdrop to the partisan battles leading to both referenda, but the crucial differentiating factor in 2016 was the Conservative perception of the threat posed by UKIP. The Eurozone crisis and austerity policies at home added to the potent mix of disillusion among the voters, who became receptive to promises of return to past glories of the UK freed from the shackles of Brussels.

Parliamentary clubs in the statutory norms of political parties (Comments on the statutes of the political parties present in the 8th Sejm of the Republic of Poland)

The principle of political pluralism expressed in Article 11 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997 guarantees the freedom of forming and acting of political parties. The said principle also stipulates the purpose of political parties, which is to influence the formulation of the policy of the State, including the exercise of public authority, by democratic means. Political parties achieve it by parliamentary mechanisms. In practice, it means that members of a given party in the Parliament form parliamentary fractions, which constitute the link between a political party and its representation in the Parliament. Therefore, the regulations on the principles of the formation of parliamentary clubs are included in the statutes of the political parties. In addition, the statutes of the parties define the relations of the club with the parent political party, and they contain guidelines on the actions taken by the club in the Parliament. The analysis of the statutes of the political parties which established clubs in the 8th Sejm of the Republic of Poland shows that each of them contains the regulations concerning the parliamentary representation; however, the level of detail of the accepted solutions varies.

The realization of the principle of the formal equality in concepts  and activities of Polish political parties in 2011–2014

The aim of this research was to define how Polish political parties in parliament seventh term of office (date of election: 9 th October 2011) realized constitutional principle of equality of citizens. The analysis was concerned not only on declarative programme sphere but also on the area of political practice. The first part of the study was focused on platforms of particular politic parties which were announced before elections to the parliament in 2011. On the basis of those party platforms, the research showed to what degree and area political parties was revolved around women’s issues. The second part of the study provided a comparison of ideological declaration and real activities of particular political parties. There was also a verification of electoral register groups, which candidates entered the parliament taking into consideration the presence of women.

Some remarks on the Act on Political Parties

The Act of 27th June 1997 on Political Parties has its own characteristics. While the rules for the financing of these entities are regulated in detail, however, other issues are regulated relatively general in that Act. The a author draws attention to the problems that arise in this context. One of that problems is the lack of well-defined boundaries between political parties and associations, which is particularly evident in relation to groups of local character. Besides, it is also worth emphasizing that participation in elections is not, in the light of Polish law, the determinant, which could constitute such a distinction. No need for removal from the register of political parties, which are permanently not participate in the procedures for the election is the best proof. In addition, an important issue is also the inability to associate in political parties people who do not have Polish citizenship. It is extremely important in the context of electoral rights of the people, who are the EU citizens and who are living in the territory of the Republic of Poland.

The concept of representative parliamentary mandate in  Polish tradition and in contemporary Polish constitutional law

The purpose of this paper is to address the concept of a representative parliamentary mandate in Polish tradition and in contemporary Polish constitutional law. The paper touches upon the concept of the representative mandate in the Polish constitutionalism in a comprehensive and cross-cutting manner, with regard to both former constitutional rules and the current Constitution. The considerations are based on an analysis of the normative regulations and basic doctrinal approaches. Emphasis has been also placed on the historical context of a representative mandate and on conclusions flowing from comparing the two basic models of a parliamentary mandate. The author enriches his views with references to the everyday political practice, which has a significant influence on the real perception of the notion of a representative mandate.

The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orbán’s policies.

Jednym z podstawowych procesów w systemach parlamentarano-gabinetowych jest formowanie koalicji gabinetowej. Jego badania leżą w centrum zainteresowania politologii, a ich dalszy rozwój – tworzenie nowych teorii, zastosowanie nowych narzędzi badawczych – bezpośrednio wpływa na dynamikę rozwoju całej dziedziny nauki. W niniejszym artykule zaprezentowano metodologiczno-teoretyczne zagadnienia związane z użyciem nowej perspektywy badawczej w analizie wskazanego obszaru rzeczywistości politycznej. Autorzy wykazali zgodność założeń perspektywy sieciowej z istniejącą tradycją badań nad koalicjami gabinetowymi, podkreślając równocześnie jej konstytutywne cechy, świadczące o oryginalności proponowanego podejścia. Przedstawiono zarówno szanse, jak i trudności związane z wykorzystaniem perspektywy sieciowej, co w konsekwencji pozwoliło odpowiedzieć na pytanie dotyczące zasadności jej zastosowania w badaniach nad procesem formowania koalicji gabinetowej.

The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orban’s policies.

The article deals with the issue of the internal historical politics of Law and Justice party (PiS) during their years of power in 2005–2007. From the very beginning, the party put an extreme importance to the issue of patriotism and national memory, making them one of their main objectives. With the inception of power in 2005, the leaders of this group clearly declared that the important goal of their actions would be to restore historical memory, which was to be initiated by the “new historical politics”. When analyzing the historical policy pursued by Law and Justice in the internal dimension, it should be noted that it focused on several key elements. The first of them was building patriotic attitudes among the Polish society. The historical settlement of the communist times became the second goal of the party’s historical politics. The past has begun to be used by the leaders of this formation also to stigmatize political opponents. Moreover, it served as an effective tool to both Kaczyński brothers for mobilizing their own supporters.

The aim of the article was to present the means of political communication in the 1997 referendum campaign in Poland, and to find answers for the following questions: 1) who was the creator of political messages?; 2) what was the ideological structure of communication?; 3) what channels did the authors of political message make use of?; 4) in what way did the recipients decode the message?; 5) what was the effect of the political messages?; 6) did the referendum campaign influence the result of parliamentary elections – and if so, to what degree? The answers acquired in that way will contribute to exposing full perspective of political communication.

The article analyzes the election programmes of the two largest political parties in Poland, namely, Law and Justice and the Civic Platform (Civic Coalition) from the 2019 parliamentary elections, referring to the proposals of these parties to change the functioning of the state, in particular the scope of legislative, executive and judicial power. The conclusion summarizes the presented programme proposals, considering whether their implementation would be possible under the current political conditions.

Competitive advantage of political parties financed by the state budget in Poland

The article concerns the principles of financing of political parties in Poland. The thesis about creating a competitive advantage of the parties financed from the state budget over other parties was verified. An analysis of the amount of subsidies and other funds paid to eligible political parties was carried out. Particular attention was paid to the domination of funds from the budget over other sources of finance of the largest political parties. In conclusion, it was proposed to significantly limit the statutory subsidy and, as a consequence, replace it with voluntary taxation of citizens.

Changing the electoral systems as a research problem

The aim of the article is to review the main research issues related to the analysis of changes in electoral systems. Since the nineties of the twentieth century, the issue has become a popular research. Based on the literature review, attention was drawn to research on entities involved in changes to electoral systems, the motivations underlying these decisions, awareness of the political consequences of participants into the effects of changes in electoral systems, factors shaping electoral reform processes.

Shortening the term of the Polish Sejm in 2007

The purpose of this paper was to analyze the regulations contained in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997 (The Constitution of the Republic of Poland) concerning the shortening of the term of parliament. The paper discusses the political reasons for which such a decision was made during the 5th term of the Polish Sejm (2005–2007) and the effects it had on the Polish political scene in later years.

Cross-Party Electoral Agreements in the Form of Coalition Election Committees and Party Election Committees in the Polish General Elections in 2018–2019

Election committees in Poland nominate candidates for elections and organize election campaigns for them. The legislator lists three types of committees that may take part in elections to the Sejm, Senate and the European Parliament: the election committee of a political party, a coalition election committee and an election committee of voters. Of these, the coalition committee is the most complicated formula – to organize it, an agreement between several parties is required. In 2019, Poland saw a consolidation of the political scene – at that time, in the elections to the European Parliament, only six committees put up lists of candidates across the country, while in the elections to the Sejm – only five committees. This was because multi- party electoral agreements formally took part in the elections as party rather than coalition election committees. So is the institution of a coalition election committee still useful?

Results of the elections to the Regional Parliament and the Cortes Generales in the Basque country as a reflection of the nationalist tendencies

Basque nationalism is a multifaceted and complex issue in which many aspects overlap, but much can be deduced from the political sympathies expressed by the inhabitants of the Basque Country during the elections to both the regional parliament and the Cortes Generales. The political parties’ programs are also a good source of knowledge. The aim of the article is to outline the programs of the Basque main political parties and the results of parliamentary elections as two important determinants for the analysis of nationalist tendencies in this autonomous community. The article provides an analysis of the political origins of Basque nationalism and also focuses on the PNV party as the leading political force for moderate nationalism. The last part concerns the socio-political moods at the end of the second decade of the 21st century in the Basque Country.

The role of references to history in the ideological declarations of selected Polish political parties after 1989

This paper investigates political parties’ attitude towards the past. It explores ideological inspirations and more or less consciously ‘borrowed’ by parties founded in Poland after 1989 from political groups operating in the interwar and the Communist periods.