There has been an increased interest in the field of informational and psychological warfare conducted by the Russian Federation directed at Western countries and their allies following the intensification of the conflict in Ukraine. The most visible example of this are the activities in the field of propaganda, disinformation and psychological operations accompanied the annexation of the Crimea and manipulate the American public during the presidential election in 2016. Trolling as one of using tools of such activity is a highly visible manifestation in which users or automatic comment generation programs manipulate online discussions. This phenomenon is visible and widely discussed in the media discourse. Efforts are being made to develop academically rigorous systems of identification and description. This paper presents the results and main conclusions reached through the application of the author’s method of analysing key words supported by corpus-based analysis in exploring this phenomenon. 

A paper entitled Energy resources of post-soviet Central Asia: reserves, production, energy policy covers topics that refer to production and transport of the petrol and natural gas through the so called “Asian five” states. Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are over-regional leaders in the production of petroleum and natural gas. New natural resources reserves has been also discovered in Tajikistan and Kirgizstan. The post-soviet states of Central Asia are making an effort to raise their shares in the global petrol market however their abilities are limited by the Russian Federation`s position in the global market, corruption and nepotism. Only the overcoming of this negative tendencies might lead to positive change of the perception, as the region countries will be perceived as a key players in the petroleum and natural gas export

The development objective of the article is to present in the last fifteen years the level of economic relations of Moldova and Ukraine with the Russian Federation and the European Union. In connection with this study it was covered by the value of the trade of Moldova and Ukraine with the European Union and the Russian Federation, as well as the volume of the foreign direct investments EU and Russia in the Moldovan and Ukrainian economy.

The author addresses an important question of transformation in the field of foreign policy priorities made by Russian Federation, indicating both the causes, assumptions and ad hoc and prospective objectives of the newly announced strategy, which is a retreat from the West and the intensification of relations with the countries of Asia. This was largely a consequence of the crisis in the relations with the West, due to the annexation of the Crimea and the conflict in the east of Ukraine. However, explaining the motives of this policy, the Russian side tried to ignore the true impact of the Ukrainian crisis. As a whole, this new national strategy has been dubbed PovorotnaVostok. This strategy should boost economic growth, and above all play the role of the one of key instruments restoring Russia’s lost position as a global power. More broadly, the Russian shift towards Asia is based on the assumption that the long-term factor affecting the international situation will be strategic competition between China and United States, and that Asia in the near future will not be able to create of a coherent system of security. With this in mind, the Kremlin is trying to find a place for the realization of its vision of a new multipolar world order and actually is trying to play one state against another one. The leaders of Kremlin are of course aware of the shifting of the global economic balance of power towards Asia – Pacific, and they understand that Russia’s economic integration with the region has an essential importance for successful longterm development.

Russian President is both a political institution of key importance and a distinctive individual of a specic manner of behaviour in his authoritarian rules. In this article I would like to present the role of the President in society with reference to historical heritage and the modern political culture of Russian society. Taking into consideration the fact that public opinion and the media, in conditions of democracy or democratization, constitute basic social mechanism that forms bases and formulas of legitimacy, I have decided that it is merge to join the issues into one. It is the President that I aim my examination at, not the Russian media themselves, the history of their development a€er 1991, or their ownership structure that governs them. e media will be of interest as long as they are necessary to understand how the President legitimizes his powers, to what extent he is successful, and what scope of success or failure depends on in the legitimacy e‚orts.

Authors in this article present the findings of the research project on the leadership and the ethnopolitics in Tatarstan. They are making an attempt to conceptualise the ethnocratic leadership, they characterise the existing model of leadership through the ethnopolitics and Russian regionalism. The research leads to the conclusion that as a result of the Tatarisation of the political regime an ethnocratic model of leadership has been formed in the republic. The model shows some hybrid characteristics and constitutes peculiar synthesis of ethno-politics, authoritarianism and clannishness with the elements of the facade democracy. This model of leadership is manifested in different forms and shapes depending on the specific environment, as well as political and situational contexts. Much attention was paid to the genesis and evolution of this model of leadership and its links with the republican elite which recruitment, circulation and legitimacy is strongly connected with the ethnicization of politics.

The paper reports The 3R (Three Ukrainian Revolutions) Symposium: Revolution, War and Their Consequences, which took place in Warsaw (Poland) on March 16-17, 2018. This multilayer event was organised as a part of the project named The 3R (Three Ukrainian Revolutions), initiated in the College of Europe in Natolin (Warsaw) in 2015, to provide the comparative studies over three revolutions witnessed in Ukraine in the last three decades. The 2018 conference gathered current and former politicians, diplomats, practitioners, scientists, journalists and social activists coming from mostly Ukraine and Poland, as well as the other states around the globe.

A paper entitled Energy resources of post-soviet Central Asia: reserves, production, energy policy covers topics that refer to production and transport of the petrol and natural gas through the so called “Asian five” states. Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are over-regional leaders in the production of petroleum and natural gas. New natural resources reserves has been also discovered in Tajikistan and Kirgizstan. The post-soviet states of Central Asia are making an effort to raise their shares in the global petrol market however their abilities are limited by the Russian Federation`s position in the global market, corruption and nepotism. Only the overcoming of this negative tendencies might lead to positive change of the perception, as the region countries will be perceived as a key players in the petroleum and natural gas export.

The article discusses the volume of trade between the countries of Central Asia and the EU and the FR with the degree of dependence. In the years 2000–2016 the foreign trade of the Central Asian states was affected by the shift from the Russian Federation market to the European Union market. This trend may be reinforced in the coming years due to the conditions of trade cooperation between the Central Asian region and the European Union, on the one hand, and between the region and the Russian Federation, on the other

The LGBT rights are one of the most crucial aspects of a social and political discourse in Poland and in the Russian Federation. Although in both countries there is a different system of power, and, what follows, human rights and their realization are perceived in a different way, in these two states the right of LGBT people become an instrument of politics. In the following article the authors present a comparative analysis of the way in which the rights of LGBT people are perceived in Poland and in the Russian Federation. They will depict the similarities and differences between these two countries which result from historical conditions, and will provide an analysis of the current perception of non-heterosexual people in Poland and in Russia.

THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

There are about 250 thousand people belonging to 41 ethnic groups recognized as indigenous peoples in the Russian Federation. From the legal point of view, their rights are well protected by the Constitution and a number of federal laws. Unfortunately, their social, economic and political situation is much worse than the standards set by the legislation. The provisions of these acts are violated and some of them are in contradiction with other normative acts. Another problem is the lack of implementing acts. Indigenous peoples in Russia, as it was in the period of the Soviet Union, are “the last among equals”, and their interests are rarely noticed by the regional and central authorities. This is due to their small size (0.2% of the total population), but, first of all, their interests are in contradiction with the needs of the Russian economy.

Artykuł jest poświęcony miejscu obszaru poradzieckiego w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej od rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego w 1991 do 2021 roku. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie znaczenia obszaru poradzieckiego w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej oraz celów i instrumentów tej polityki wobec obszaru poradzieckiego po rozpadzie ZSRR. W ciągu 30 lat po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego na obszarze poradzieckim miały miejsce procesy reintegracji i dezintegracji. Dochodziło do wielu konfliktów zbrojnych, stał się on także polem rywalizacji w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Federacja Rosyjska wykorzystuje wszelkie możliwe instrumenty oddziaływania, aby utrzymać kontrolę nad obszarem poradzieckim i nadal traktuje go jako wyłączną strefę wpływów Rosji i priorytetowy kierunek rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej.

W wyniku rozpadu bloku wschodniego wiele państw uzyskało niepodległość i suwerenność, w tym zdolność do prowadzenia samodzielnej polityki naukowej. Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy podział geograficzny uwzględniający państwa europejskie i azjatyckie różnicował poziom ich aktywności naukowej (z wyłączeniem Federacji Rosyjskiej). Wyniki przeprowadzonych analiz wskazują, że państwa europejskie mają istotnie wyższy udział wydatków na badania i rozwój oraz zatrudniają znacznie większą liczbę pracowników w sektorze R&D (ang. research and development) niż państwa azjatyckie. Jednocześnie autorzy afiliujący w państwach azjatyckich mają nieznacznie wyższy udział publikacji pisanych we współpracy z autorami o afiliacji z innych państw, co może wskazywać na przyjęcie strategii intensyfikacji międzynarodowej współpracy naukowej.

Gender aspects of training a specialist in international affairs

The article discusses the specificity of the influence of the gender factor on the education of students in the fields of international relations and international regional studies. The topicality of the research results mainly from the contemporary feminization of higher education, as well as the growing professional interest of women in international relations. The research and teaching activity of modern universities is extremely important in the context of the development of the “knowledge society”, for the effective functioning of which it is necessary to actively engage the intellectual capital of both men and women. Therefore, universities should not only become “factories of knowledge”, but also shape the gender culture of students. The problem of the gender characteristics of the scientific and educational community of universities is extremely important. The authors present the topic on the one hand on the basis of contemporary gender studies in the field of international relations, both Russian and Western scientists, and on the other – on the basis of the analysis of specific data on the feminization of study programs in the field of international subjects of Russian universities in the context of the perspectives of building gender parity in practice international relations and world politics.

Consiclering legal aspects of non-disrimination clause in the Russian Federation, the Authors starts their assessment from an international law perspective (based on adopted acts). Despite the United Nations’ recomendation the Russian Federation has no act that regulates non-discrimination and anti-discrimination policy

Russian-Pakistani relations. Political, economic and military aspects

After the collapse of the Soviet Union into 15 independent states in December 1991, including the Russian Federation, there was a real opportunity to reset relations between Moscow and Islamabad. The Russian Federation did not take advantage of the new geopolitical situation to significantly improve mutual relations in the last decade of the twentieth century. However, in the first two decades of the twenty-first century, there was an intensification of political, economic and military relations between the two countries, which fluctuated. The author focused in the article on the premises that underline the improvement of mutual relations in these three areas. The premises that have inhibited and inhibit more intensive cooperation, especially in the political and economic fields, were also presented. In the end was formulated a few conclusions.