W ramach demokratycznego systemu politycznego siły zbrojne znajdują się pod kontrolą władz cywilnych. Głównym zadaniem armii jest obrona państwa i społeczeństwa. Coraz częściej siły zbrojne próbują jednak definiować swój charakter i wpływać na politykę państwa za pomocą oficjalnych i nieoficjalnych instytucji. Armia staje się wtedy grupą interesu. Celem artykułu jest określenie sposobu funkcjonowania armii jako grupy interesu na bazie istniejących teorii dotyczących sprawowania cywilnej kontroli nad armią.

Presidential supremacy over the armed forces in Poland after 1989

The primary purpose of considerations undertaken in this article is to identify and analyse the changes of the form and practice of presidential supremacy over the armed forces in Poland after 1989. Thanks to the findings of these consideration the author answered the following research questions: (1) how did presidential powers in the field of the supremacy over armed force change after 1989 (2) how did their practice change? (3) what influence did political practice have on presidential supremacy over armed forces? Thanks to the answers to these question the following hypothesis was verified: although about transformations and form of presidential supremacy over armed forces were determined by changes in the Constitution, very important in this area was also political practice, which decided about real participation of holder of the presidential office in the army management. Considerations have been divided into three parts, which describe the form and the practice of presidential supremacy over the armed forces during the functioning of: the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1952 (amended Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic), Constitutional Law of 17 October 1992 on the Mutual Relations between the Legislative and Executive of the Republic of Poland and local government, as well as the Polish Constitution of 1997. The conclusions of were presented at the end.

Supreme command of the President of the  Republic of Poland of the Armed Forces (selected subjects)

The article presents the status of the President of the Republic of Poland in the executive structure in Poland, taking into account the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal on the dispute settlement between the Prime Minister and the President of the Republic of Poland (Kpt 2/08). The author also defines the Presidential power of „supreme command” over the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland (Polish Constitution, Article 134) and the manner in which it is exercised it in times of peace (through the Minister of National Defence), as well as in times of war (through the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces). The article also shows selected specific powers of the President provided for in the statutory law.

The rights of the President of the Republic of Poland  in the scope of supreme authority over the Armed Forces  during the term of Constitution of 17th March 1921

The article concerns the rights and activities of the president as a superior of the armed forces while the Constitution of 17th March 1921 was in force. The first part of the article is dedicated to a short description of the relation between the legislature and the executive, and the position of the armed forces in the Constitution of 17th March 1921. The second part of the article relates to detailed analysis of the constitutional and the statutory responsibilities of the President as a Superior of the Armed Forces. It was difficult to determine the character of the supreme authority of the President because there was no regulation defining the organization of general military authorities in the country. Formally, in a time of peace, the armed forces were subordinate to the President through the Minister of National Defense, who was liable to Sejm. The third part of the article constitutes the analysis of discussed powers after the constitutional amendment of 2nd August 1926. According to the provisions of the amendment, the President received the rights to issue a regulation with force of statute. His systemic position has strengthened, and as a consequence, it has a major impact on the extension of his rights as far as his authority over the Armed Forces is concerned. Furthermore, the author conducts dogmatic analysis of the regulations and constitu- tional practice concerning the supreme authority.

This article analyzes tasks and competences of the President of the Republic of Poland as the guardian of sovereignty and security of the state. The author recognizes major importance of the head of state in that field. The President is the supreme commander of the Armed Forces and exercises powers connected with this function. The President also exercises a number of other powers, including those of an extraordinary nature (introduction of martial law and the state of emergency, declaring a time of war, declaring a general or partial mobilization). The author of the article underlines the necessity of cooperation of the President and the Council of Ministers in the field of the state security. It results from the fact that some powers are subject of countersignature of the Prime Minister or are exercised at the request of the Council of Ministers or its members (the Prime Minister, the Minister of National Defense).

The reasons for success or failure in establishing states after WWI: Poland and Czechoslovakia versus the Ukraine

The main goal of this paper is to show the crucial facts which led to the establishment at the end of the First World War of two sovereign states: the First Czechoslovak Republic and the Second Polish Republic. An attempt has also been made to provide background information on the reasons why the Ukraine did not gain independence in the time in question.

Příčiny úspěchu nebo neúspěchu v budování států po I. světové válce: Polsko a Československo versus Ukrajina

Celem artykułu jest charakterystyka stanowisk: Federacji Rosyjskiej, Mołdawii i nieuznawanej Naddniestrzańskiej Republiki Mołdawskiej wobec obecności rosyjskich sił zbrojnych na obszarze Naddniestrza oraz motywacja działań podjętych w tej kwestii. W pierwszej części pracy skoncentrowano wysiłki na przedstawieniu genezy powstania państwa nieuznawanego w granicach Mołdawii i znaczenia dla tego procesu formacji rosyjskich. Następnie zaprezentowano podejście zainteresowanych stron do problemu alokacji sił rosyjskich w Naddniestrzu. Ponadto uwzględniono głos szeroko pojętej społeczności międzynarodowej (rezolucja ZO ONZ). Zaakcentowano również uwzględnienie tego zagadnienia w nowej strategii obrony Mołdawii (2018). Za priorytet uznano wydarzenia zaistniałe w drugiej dekadzie XXI w.

Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest kwestia zorganizowania skutecznego systemu obronnego Unii Europejskiej w kontekście zmiany geopolitycznej dokonującej się w świecie. Tym samym istotna staje się odpowiedź na pytanie, czy Unia Europejska chcąc utrzymać istotną rolę w globalnym układzie politycznym może tego dokonać nie dysponując sprawnym instrumentem militarnym? Wydaje się, że Unia Europejska pozbawiona efektywnej siły militarnej może zachować ważną pozycję w systemie globalnym, lecz zostanie zredukowana do roli mocarstwa drugiego rzędu, jako podmiot nie pełnowymiarowy. Zasadniczymi metodami badawczymi są różne metody pomiaru potęgi jednostek politycznych.

Selected Dimensions of Human Freedom in the Armed Forces of a Democratic State

The article reviews the scientific literature on selected dimensions of human freedom, being the subject of influence of the Polish Armed Forces. The aim of the article is to examine their nature and the manner of their interconnection through institutional and legal mechanisms. The conceptual framework of the article is determined by the use of the concept of consilience, useful in the analysis of the operation of public institutions, using approaches in the field of: politics, security, law, public management, praxeology, human resource management and the functional-interpretative paradigm and moderate constructivism. This article shows the understanding of individual security from the perspective of legal respect for selected dimensions of freedom of a member of the armed forces.

This article presents the results of research which set out to clarify the principles of the use of nuclear weapons and deterrence mechanisms in order to achieve dominance by the Russian Federation in the international security environment. Analysis and criticism of the literature, nonparticipatory observation and elements of case study were used to solve the research problems. The research process established that the Russian Federation will conduct campaigns to undermine the existing international security order using military means, including nuclear weapons. The nuclear component is an inherent element of the Russian Federation’s policy shaping the international security environment and at the same time is a key factor in the holistic concept of coercion. Strategic deterrence is a mechanism for achieving international dominance in peacetime, crisis situations, and war. Its purpose is to bring about concessions and coerce behavior consistent with the strategic interests of the Russian Federation. Nuclear weapons are the ultimate guarantee of the Russian Federation’s strategic dominance in the world. On the other hand, the constantly lowered threshold of its use leads to the degradation of the security environment and the violation of its stability.

Meanders in Civilian Control over the Armed Forces in Poland After 1989

The article presents considerations and opinions on the observance of constitutional principles related to civil and democratic control over the armed forces after 1989 in Poland. The control, supremacy, and supervision of the civil authorities over the organs of violence are one of the greatest challenges a democratic state must face. Civilian control of the military is vital today, as NATO has made it a prerequisite for membership. The article aims to present a research problem and answer the question – how each side perceives its role and what function it fulfils in terms of control, authority, and supervision – from the public respect and popularity enjoyed by a given politician, political institution, or armed forces to the administrative or political abilities of the ruling politicians. Civilian control should also be accepted by military commanders and political leaders in power and result from the institutional and legal regulations adopted in a given country and the experience of NATO members. The armed forces are to serve the state, protect its independence, security, and territorial integrity, and therefore maintain political neutrality, not selected political groups (parties) or society. Since there is no uniform model or system of control over the military, there are only common principles necessary to guarantee democratic and civilian control over the armed forces in the state.

This article presents a theoretical connection of armed forces operations and a disaster risk reduction concept. The objective is to elaborate a model of armed forces participation in disaster risk reduction in relation to the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030. The research method bases on a review of the literature and a cognitive design of the participation model. General role of armed forces, potential and societal expectations are factors that place them in a context of disaster risk reduction. Soldiers are said to participate in protection of the most important utilitarian values regardless of circumstances (military hazards and non-military hazards). Their operations might be ascribed into limiting of hazard power, reducing vulnerabilities, shortening exposure, improving resilience, and strengthening capacities to cope with a disaster. They can reduce the risk associated with military hazards and non-military hazards. The concept may be a reference in designing synergy in cooperation between military and non-military entities.

The objective of this article is to point to legal foundations of the crisis management system and to specify principles it is built on, its actors, their competences, mechanisms of cooperation and coordination and principles for financing crisis management tasks. The author places special emphasis on the need to observe human rights and freedoms in the context of actions taken by the state that aim to ensure security and to create an effective crisis management system. The starting point for this discussion is an assumption that security-related problems affect the entire society whereby this society has the right and obligation to participate in efforts to ensure security. At the same time, institutional mechanisms of ensuring security only use participation of institutions by various kinds of interrelations and support. This article shows certain mechanisms of building national security by state bodies and institutions that are responsible for it and competent to respond in crisis situations. How-ever, the exegesis covers participation of the armed forces and legal aspects of employing the Polish Armed Forces in the event of non-military threats.