After 2008, European governments undertook austerity measures to come out of the global financial crisis. The policies were imposed to reduce the states’ debts and deficits, increase their economic competitiveness, and restore business confidence. Inevitably, the results of their implementation were socially noticeable and triggered the occurrence of new social movements which became a powerful player on a political scene. In some states, the stakeholders of anti-austerity movements used physical political violence while in the other they settled for mental. The article introduces findings of the comparative study on the relationships between patterns of culture of political violence and intrastate, regional, and colonial explaining factors. By applying statistical analysis, it tests empirically Negussay Ayele’s explanatory model of militant culture of political violence for a theory-verification purpose. As a result, it makes a contribution to the structure of explanation encompassing the particular configurations of indicators. 

The processes of international integration have been noticed for years. The inconvenience with currency exchange has been perceived long ago by the representatives of classical economic thought – David Ricardo and the father of the common currency idea – J. Stuart Mill. He thought there is so much barbarism in many transactions in civilized countries that almost all independent states protect themselves by keeping their own currency. Although there is some inconvenience for those countries and their neighbours.

The study tackles the issue of applying respective theories of European integration to explain the processes occurring in the EU, and in particular, in the debt-wrecked eurozone. In the author’s view, the eurozone crisis revived the dispute over the shape of EU. On one hand, it is the supranational neofunctionalism and on the other, state-centric intergovernmentalism views clashing with one another. The author believes that the key theory that successfully explains the member states’ behavior in face of eurozone crisis is the intergovernmentalism theory. It assumes the primacy of nation-state and its interests in the process of European integration. This is particularly apparent in the time of crisis when supranational mechanisms typical of neofunctionalist theory serve solely the purpose of legitimizing national interests of the economically strongest EU members.

EU budget support policy of the euro area. The attempt of the  political concept’s legal delimitation

Perturbations in the eurozone justify the question concerning not only the condition of public finances in the countries belonging to this zone, but also force us to think about the form of budget support policy of the eurozone countries implemented by the European Union. It is not difficult to realize that the aforementioned policy is, since May 2010, both an object of criticism, also in a scientific aspect, and the (not only) source of the current financial difficulties of the European Union. Although these problems do not (yet) threaten the common European market, it is impossible to ignore that they weaken to a great extent the union binder, which consists both of the economic and monetary European union. With the purpose of showing the legal and political implications of this process, it becomes necessary to remind first of all of the adequate regulations of the European Union law. All this, referring to the bon mot of John Kenneth Galbraith that one of the recession’s benefits is that it reveals what the accountant has overlooked, in order to be able to present the new political and legal shapes of the indicated problem. The shapes and also, specifically speaking, the political and legal challenges, which emerge from the analysis of the present budget support policy of the eurozone countries implemented by the European Union.