The Treaty of Lisbon strengthened the legal position of national parliaments in their activities at the level of the European Union. It means that the two chambers of the Polish Parliament - Sejm and Senate, each in its own scope, participate in consideration of issues concerning the European Union. They must share the right to participate in legislative processes with the executive authorities at the national level and with the institutions of the Union. The new legal regulation provides national parliaments with new competences, which should have a constitutional basis.

On the Need to Amend the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 2, 1997 with Regard to the Term and Functions of the Sejm and the Senate – Some Remarks on the Background of the Constitution of Czechia and Slovakia

The scope of this article is to show the proposed amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 with regard to the term and functions of the Sejm and the Senate in Poland. The analysis shows that the provisions of the constitutions of Czechia and Slovakia are more precise, among other things, they more clearly define the parliament’s creative function in relation to the organs of the judicial power. Moreover, the Czech regulation concerning the Senate allows it to strengthen its political significance and position in relation to the first chamber of parliament, i.a. because of its greater role in the legislative procedure. In turn, the provisions contained in the Slovak Constitution protect the parliament against omissions of the head of state. These regulations should serve as a model for amending the Polish basic law.

The Prosecutor’s Office and the Sejm

Author argues in the article that under the legal status preceding the 2009 amendment to the Act on the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Sejm’s control over the actions of the Minister of Justice – Prosecutor General found a direct basis in the constitutional norm, which entrusts the Sejm with the control over the Council of Ministers. Under the 2009 prosecution model, where the functions of the Prosecutor General and the Minister of Justice were separated, the Prosecutor General, directing the activities of the prosecution service, was an autonomous body in relation to Council of Ministers, President, Sejm and Senate. The reconnection of the functions of the Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General by the 2016 Act gives the Sejm the possibility of parliamentary control of the Prosecutor General. Author indicates the instruments of parliamentary control emphasizing that the Sejm is entitled only to such powers of control that have been clearly defined in the Constitution and laws. Author justifies the thesis that the diversity of the models of functioning of the prosecutor’s office in Poland, as an institution beyond the framework of the classical Montesquieu classification, does not deprive the Sejm of the right to control the prosecutor’s office, which he realizes with the help of diverse means.

Legislative Veto of the President of the Republic of Poland in Political Practice

The aim of the article is to analyze the legislative veto of the President of the Republic of Poland and his relationship with the Sejm. The study indicates the constitutional regulation concerning the presidential veto and the legislative process. The author’s intention was to show that the President’s veto may affect the fate of the act, but also the government’s policy. Such a situation takes place if the President’s veto concerns a bill submitted to the Sejm on the initiative of the Council of Ministers. The institution of the President’s legislative veto was analyzed in terms of theory and its practical functioning in political practice, as well as how the veto is used by a person holding the office of the President. In order to better illustrate the title issue, the activities of the presidents of the Republic of Poland since passed of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland have been briefly presented.

Legislative Power and its Organs from the Perspective of the Practice of Membership of the Republic of Poland in the European Union

The aim of the article is to analyze the influence of the legislative authorities on the membership of the Republic of Poland in the European Union. A dozen or so years of Poland’s membership in this international organization allows for a new look at the phenomenon of the “democratic deficit”, which has for a long time been the case that the position of the legislative authorities is decreasing in connection with EU membership. It should be stated that the legislative authorities, due to the system of government established in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997, should play a greater role in the process of integration of the Republic of Poland with the European Union.

On the Possibility for the President to Withdraw the Request to the Constitutional Court Under the Preventive Control Procedure and the Request for Reconsideration of Law

The aim of the article is to draw attention to the issue of the possibility of the President of the Republic of Poland withdrawing a motion to the Constitutional Tribunal in the mode of preventive control and a motion for reconsideration of a law. In this paper the author discusses Art. 122 of the Constitution, in particular the time given to the President to become familiar with the presented regulations and to decide what further action should be taken, i.e. to sign it, to submit a motion to the Constitutional Tribunal, or alternatively to return it to the Sejm for reconsideration, or to exercise a veto. The author focuses primarily on the analysis of regulations concerning the problem in question, extended by a number of doctrinal views.

Financial Autonomy of Local Government Units in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland – Selected Problems

The scope of this article is to show selected problems concerning constitutional regulations of financial autonomy of self-government units in Poland, in the light of the legislator’s freedom to determine their incomes by bills. It appears that in the light of the current regulations, the freedom of the parliament is too great, which significantly limits the financial independence of local government units. The article will present proposals for changes to Polish constitutional regulations in this area in order to increase the self-government financial autonomy, with reference to the solutions in force in selected European countries. It is necessary to increase the influence of self-government about bills concerning their incomes and expenses, so it should be a constitutional obligation to consult such projects on the forum of the Joint Government and Self-Government Commission. The postulate of transforming the Senate into a Self-Government Chamber is also worth considering.

Legal Consequences of the Addressee’s Failure to Reply to an Interpellation or of Replying Late

The article presents the essence of parliamentary interpellations, refers to the obligation incumbent on the addressee to provide an answer within the time limit indicated in the Constitution. The author is of the opinion that not replying or replying after the deadline is a constitutional tort and is subject to liability before the State Tribunal. The currently occurring, rather negative parliamentary practice necessitates appropriate amendments to the Parliament’s Rules of Procedure. These changes should also cover the issues of abuse of the right of interpellation and enquiry by.

Public Hearing in Poland – a Legitimising Dimension of Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process

The article is devoted to the practice of using participatory tools in the law-making process in Poland. The subject of the study was the public hearing introduced into the Polish legal order in 2005. It mainly used the institutional-legal and comparative methods. Embedded in the framework of the theoretical concepts of participatory, deliberative, and pluralist democracy, the presented analyses focus on the legitimizing dimension of the public hearing procedure. The analysis of the normative construction and practice of using this institution allows for formulating general conclusions that indicate its legitimizing potential, including its potential to influence institutional arrangements. At the same time, however, this practice revealed a specific “sensitivity” of public hearing procedure to the political and social context, carrying the risk of transforming it into a kind of facade institution for the representative rule (with a somewhat illusory participatory character.

Systemic Consequences of the Principle of Permanence of Work of the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland. Outline of the Problem

The article is devoted to the issue of the principle of permanence of parliamentary work. It contains a general description of the principle in question and at the same time shows its importance for the functioning of state authority in Poland. Thanks to the analysis, the reader learns how permanence affects the implementation of some of the powers of the Sejm and Senate related to the performance of legislative, control and creative functions. He also gains knowledge on the extent to which it affects the relations between the Sejm and the Senate with other bodies, especially with the President and the Council of Ministers. The field of considerations designated in this way conceals the main research goal, which is to present the basic systemic consequences resulting from the introduction of the discussed formula of the work of representative bodies.

The First Meeting of the Senate of the Republic of Poland

The purpose of this article is to present the constitutional and legal issues related to the first sitting of the Senate of the Republic of Poland after the elections. The author made a substantive analysis of the issue of the entity obliged to convene the first sitting, the legal form of this convocation, the date and place of the sitting, as well as the subject matter, i.e. the agenda of the sitting. A division was made into obligatory and optional points of the agenda of the meeting. The article also contains several conclusions concerning the status of the Senior Speaker. The author focuses his attention primarily on an analysis of the constitutional regulations concerning the issues raised, obviously taking into account the provisions of the rules of the chamber.

Selected Control Instruments Used by Committees of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland

The article discusses the control instruments used by Sejm committees acting as bodies of the Sejm. The committees have a wide range of possibilities to perform their control function, but they cannot go beyond the scope specified in the constitution. Some committees have their own powers based on special statutory regulations. The article is based on legal provisions and parliamentary practice, indicates the advantages and disadvantages of the instruments used, and also contains conclusions regarding the possibilities of improving this aspect of the committee’s operation.

Sejm legislation during the 1733 interregnum and the internal and external security of the Republic of Poland

This article deals with matters concerning sejm legislation during the 1733 interregnum. As a contributory text, it attempts to answer the question to what extent the two undisturbed sejms raised the extremely important matter of state defence. The conclusions of the Convocation and Electoral Sejm of 1733 are analysed, i.e. the general confederation concluded at the Convocation and the constitutions of the Electoral Sejm, which have not yet been analysed. The text also examines the limited enlargement of the Lithuanian army at the end of 1733.

This paper examines the procedure of electing the Commissioner for Human Rights (Rzecznik Praw Obywatelskich) by the Sejm. The considerations are conducted in the context of its representativeness. How does the Sejm proceed when two or more candidates have been nominated? In such a situation, is voting carried out in alphabetical order, in accordance with the principle that the candidate who obtained a, n absolute majority of votes is elected, or is there a joint vote on the candidates, in accordance with the principle that in the absence of an absolute majority of votes by one of the candidates in the first voting, the name of the candidate who obtained the lowest number of votes in the previous round is removed from the list of candidates before the next round of voting? As argued in this paper, the order of voting is not neutral to the effects of voting. From the point of view of individual candidates, it may privilege some and discriminate against others. The text uses the dogmatic method and legal reasoning.