Creating of reality in propaganda documentaries. The case of Leni (Helene Amalie Berthy) Riefenstahl on the basis of Triumph of the Will and Olympia

The aim of this article is to present the biography of a film director- L. Riefenstahl, with an emphasis on her propaganda documentary works by the example of two documentaries: “Triumph of the Will” and “Olympia”. The thesis stated by the authors of this article is about creating reality by L. Riefenstahl. The authors present the propaganda techniques used by the director in her documentaries. The authors base this work on the analysis of audiovisual productions, historical method and finally- deduction. L. Riefenstahl was the artist with a great experience. As the director, not only was she innovative and unconventional, but also she was able to use and transfer her experience gained on other fields of her own life onto audiovisual productions. Therefore, the critics value Riefenstahl’s works due to their innovatory character and technical nuances. Although L. Riefenstahl is one of the most talented documentary directors, still, vast majority of her films were vile propaganda at the service of the 3rd Reich. Worshipping Hitler, love of symbols and faith in NSDAP is highly visible in Riefenstahl’s works.

The article discusses Russian information warfare focusing mainly on propaganda issues, which were used during the conflict in Ukraine, and tries to find an answer to the question of to what extent these undertakings are dangerous to Euro-Atlantic security. It provides a political background of the conflict in order to better understand why Russia is using particular information warfare tools. The article analyzes manipulation techniques and the use of specific elements of Russian identity such as the attitude to history and the role of the Orthodox Church. Finally, it discusses a possible influence these actions may have on security and stability of the EU and NATO and their particular member states.

In interwar Romania, non-political institutions played a decisive role in the process of containing the expansion of totalitarian ideologies. The two major colliding ideological forces, National Socialism and Communism, rapidly reshaped the European sociopolitical profile after World War I and caused an unprecedented long-term deterioration of various intergovernmental relations. The Banat region was systematically exposed to external ideological factors due to the fact that its heterogeneous ethno-cultural profile allowed a rapid proliferation of political ideas and programs.

Confidential Assignment (Kongjo, Kim Sung-hoon), released on January 18, 2017 between DPRK nuclear tests, tells a story of two special agents. One is from North Korea and the other one from South Korea, and they unite to fight against a common enemy. Extraordinarily, the North Korean agent is portrayed as more formidable than his South Korean counterpart who is unable to match him in every field. Also, the North Korean agent is portrayed by a Korean super star, Hyun-Bin. In this paper, I analyze two other similarly themed movies: The Net (Kŭmul, Kim Ki-Duk) and Steel Rain (Kangch’ŏlbi, Yang Wooseok). All of them were released recently and were huge commercial successes in South Korea. The aim of the following paper is to show and analyze the evolution of the image of North Korean characters in South Korean cinema. During the analysis, the question of how the change from villain to super hero was possible is answered. The way in which the movies talk about inter-Korean relations and how they portray both countries is particularly important to understand the current political sentiments in the Peninsula and how it can affect the Moon Jae-in presidency.

Kultura dżihadyzmu to nowa kategoria, która wymaga konceptualizacji. Z uwagi na szeroki zakres definicyjny w najbliższym czasie zapewne pozostanie ona polem sporu badaczy. Jedynym całościowym opracowaniem bezpośrednio dotyczącym kultury dżihadyzmu jest monografia Jihadi Culture, pod redakcją Thomasa Hegghammera (Heggehamer, 2017). Wcześniejsze opracowania odnoszą się przede wszystkim do poszczególnych fragmentów tego fenomenu, tj. poezja, ikonografia, muzyka, filmografia czy nagrania video. Niniejszy artykuł ma postać studium przypadku. Kultura dżihadyzmu została w nim ukazana przez pryzmat struktury Państwa Islamskiego, w oparciu o wybrane przykłady. W związku z tym, że na kulturę dżihadyzmu składa się wiele elementów, niniejsze opracowanie nie aspiruje do miana wyczerpującego. Ukazuje kulturę dżihadyzmu IS jedynie poprzez niewielki fragment działalności tej struktury, co może stanowić początek badań nad tym aspektem funkcjonowania struktur dżihadystycznych, również tych o niesalafickiej orientacji.

This paper explores the complex connection between heritage, light and power in Shanghai since the late 19th Century, and seeks a new understanding of how mutually coupled legacies of modernity, socialism and cosmopolitanism continue to shape this city’s unique identity and image. It focuses on the recent ideological remake of the skyline along the Huangpu River, achieved largely through the flamboyant illumination designed in 2018. Combining a number of visual and textual sources with fieldwork, it reveals the persistent symbolic role the city has played in a triumphant socialist cause, and assesses how past promises of a new Shanghai and a bright future for China have been sustained in the Reform Era. It forms a preliminary attempt to depict what the author argues should be perceived and studied as the engineering of a new propaganda medium which intersects with urban space governance. The implications of this project are discussed in the context of the threats and opportunities for Shanghai in terms of maintaining the city’s unique character and meaning coming from its own history and culture, rather than in terms of Shanghai simply being a vehicle for China’s modernity.

W artykule zaprezentowano formułę rosyjskiego oddziaływania propagandowego jakiemu państwo rosyjskie poddaje obywateli Białorusi. Wskazano cele i grupy docelowe tego oddziaływania, dokonano oceny ich efektywności oraz przedstawiono możliwe formy reakcji, mającej na celu przygotowanie Białorusinów do umiejętnego dostrzegania działań mających na celu dezinformację, manipulację i kształtowanie opinii publicznej zgodnie z rosyjskimi celami politycznymi.

Zarówno dezinformacja, jak i propaganda nie są działaniami nowymi, ale towarzyszą społeczeństwom praktycznie od samego ich powstania. Co więcej, ich użyteczność w działaniach państw potwierdzają nie tylko liczne przykłady historyczne, ale również te, których jesteśmy obecnie świadkami i są ściśle związane z rozprzestrzenianiem się pandemii COVID-19. Artykuł jest próbą zdefi niowania i opisania nie tylko rosyjskiego ekosystemu dezinformacji i propagandy w dobie pandemii, ale również próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób różne fi lary tego ekosystemu odgrywają różne role, wzajemnie się zasilają oraz wzmacniają.

W pracy podjęto się zagadnienia analizy propagandowego ujęcia postaci Edwarda Gierka na łamach dziennika „Trybuna Ludu”. Na podstawie analizy przekazów prasowych „Trybuny Ludu” z okresu rządów I Sekretarza Komitetu Centralnego Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w latach 1970–1980 r. dokonano analizy treści dotyczącej kształtowania propagandowego wizerunku E. Gierka na płaszczyźnie działań na rzecz m.in. polityki gospodarczej Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej oraz ewolucji na polu polityki wizerunkowej na tle innych I Sekretarzy KC PZPR. Problemem badawczym przyjętym na potrzeby niniejszego artykułu były pytania: jakimi metodami propagowano postać Edwarda Gierka na łamach „Trybuny Ludu”? W jaki sposób kreowano postać Edwarda Gierka jako I sekretarza KC PZPR? Ponadto autor zaprezentował krótką charakterystykę Edwarda Gierka oraz jego działalność polityczną w PRL w latach 70. XX w. W niniejszym artykule zastosowano metodę analizy treści, którą autor uznał za najefektywniejszą metodę badawczą do podjętej tematyki, w tym zwłaszcza przedstawienia mechanizmów propagandy oraz działalności politycznej Edwarda Gierka jako I Sekretarza KC PZPR w latach 70. XX w.

Polish foreign policy in the propaganda of the „workers sector” of the National Unification Party (1937–1939)

The presented article is a contribution to the history of the propaganda of the ruling camp in Poland in the last years before the outbreak of World War II. At that time, international issues became particularly topical and important, which of course was directly related to the dynamically changing political situation in Europe. They were reflected, among others in the propaganda of pro-government trade unions mentioned in the text.

Media, during Taliban five years period from 1996-2001, had been totally suffocated. Only limited number of print media would publish to spread the propaganda of Taliban Emirate under Sharia Law. Post-Taliban era, media landscape obtained new image with the establishment of democratic government. Independent media were allowed to operate in accordance with the formation of new constitution of 2004. Afghanistan to rise and promote the voice of right, equality and justice, defend human rights and spread public awareness in order to serve for social responsibilities. Despite continued challenges media outlets and journalists have made tremendous progress which it has resulted in harm of their personal life from time to time due to threats of insecurity, war, warlords, strongmen, corrupted actors in government as well as in attacks of Taliban and ISIS insurgents. Hence, media outlets and journalists have been carrying on their responsibilities despite of availed risks to them and their families. In this paper, it has been viewed the status of media freedom, process of development and continued challenges to media freedom and journalists.

Cultural diplomacy has always been an important tool in Italian foreign policy. Culture represented a significant resource already in the liberal period and was also widely used by Fascism. During the inter-war period, cultural promotion abroad aimed at spreading the regime’s political-social organizational model. In the second post-war period, cultural resources played a fundamental role in Italian international relations. The democratic government carried out a transition from an essentially propagandistic action, which Fascism implemented especially in the second half of 1930’s, to a cultural diplomacy more attentive to the issues of dialogue and cooperation. The soft power of culture grew in importance. Lacking effective diplomatic tools of a political and economic nature, the new ruling class promoted the nation’s cultural tradition. Although with means and personnel widely used already during the Fascist period, democratic Italy adopted an innovative cultural diplomacy with regard to premises and goals. This policy was apparently low-key and devoid of political themes, but in reality it was aimed at acquiring, in the long run, the friendship and the sympathy of the elites of other countries, so as to bolster political and economic relations. In the framework of a broader course of action, aimed at supporting multilateral diplomacy, the new leaders of post-Fascist Italy also promoted an international cultural cooperation which reversed the previous power politics and the unilateral assertion of Italian culture, but was still careful to defend the nation’s interests. This cooperative dimension was realized above all with the participation in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

Newspaper supplement “Życie i Kultura” in “Głos Szczeciński” (1951–1956): historical and press study

The article is a historical and press analysis of the “Życie i Kultura” [Life and Culture] magazine, published in 1951–1956 as a weekly supplement in “Głos Szczeciński” [Voice of Szczecin], the newspaper of the KW PZPR in Szczecin. The aim of the article is to show changes in the structure of content of the weekly, to indicate dominant forms of expression, constant cycles, and thematic areas. As a research tool, a content analysis was used. The empirical part is supplemented with a description of changes in the content of the magazine against the background of political events in the world and in the country.

Transformation and informatisation of society contribute to introducing social media and information and communication technologies (ICT) as an integral part of society. The article is devoted to studying forming such a key competence of modern personality as media literacy through social media. The analysis of recent research and publications shows that the use of social media is controversial and has already been studied by scholars in various aspects. The use of social media today can be perceived as a pedagogical tool and a lever of information and political influence on society. Taking into consideration the imposition of martial law in Ukraine, we experience a special need to create own platforms of proven and quality information presented to the audience on social media as well as experts and influencers that will support the image and spirit of the country and ensure the dissemination of verified and reliable information. Education is considered the main counteraction to propaganda, manipulation and bias, and educators have been the headliners of the educational process. When conducting the research, the following tasks were set: 1) to find out the peculiarities of social media functioning (especially in martial law); 2) to test the feasibility of using social media as a tool for forming media literacy (based on findings of the educators in Dnipropetrovsk region). To conduct a comprehensive study of the use of social media as a tool for forming media literacy, we used a mixed research design based on quantitative and qualitative methods. The information overload that occurred at the beginning of the Russian military aggression against Ukraine negatively affected Ukrainian citizens’ ability to perceive information critically. However, by adapting to life in new conditions and restoring the ability to think critically, citizens continued their professional activities at a qualitatively new level. Exploring the potential of using social media for political manipulation and propaganda requires further in-depth study and analysis and can serve as a basis for political or psychological research in modern society.

The satirical nativity play is a specifically Polish entertainment genre that flourished on television in the 1960s. The programmes, broadcast after midnight at the turn of New Year’s Eve and New Year’s Day, presented the most important personalities of communist public life as puppets, reciting and singing rhyming couplets. Although it was concessionary satire, the cribs aroused great emotion among the audience. Wojciech Jaruzelski experienced a special situation: he did not appear in the cribs most often, but he was the only one who was presented as an aspiring politician, holding and leaving the most important positions in the state. On his example we can observe the original strategies of the creators of nativity scenes and their attempts to shape the image of Polish politicians, in the Polish People’s Republic and the democratic Poland after year 1989.

My case study examines an issue of Slovak occupation of the northern parts of Spisz and Orava regions in years 1939–1945 in the narration of the „Nový svet” – weekly newspaper. Slovak Army`s participation in invasion of Poland in September 1939 was an important topic for press all over that new country. Media platforms were informing their readers about military successes and diplomatic arrangements. In the article I analyse the process of creating propaganda narrative about attack, annexation and then administration over the conquered lands. The weekly was richly illustrated, so I write about role of the text as well as the picture. It should be remembered that many Slovaks were still illiterate at that time. The article considers if the narration has changed over the years.

Contemporary Russian propaganda and the war in Ukraine

The article is an attempt to analyze contemporary Russian propaganda through the prism of the war in Ukraine. The purpose of the research is to assess the effectiveness of contemporary Russian propaganda in this area. The research was based on a qualitative methodology with the use of a source analysis strategy. Research showed the contemporary Russian propaganda has a significant impact on the perception of the war in Ukraine among Russians – although its effectiveness is showing a decrease.

This paper aim to explore that Russian propaganda has a long historical tradition and a rich instrumentarium. The development of the internet and social media has increased the possibilities for distributing propaganda messages. The principal objective of Russian propaganda is to influence the public opinion in cooperation with persons acting as translators, and to distribute contents – in various national languages – in conformity with the Russian policy and ideology. A tangible objective is to change the opinion about the Russian Federation and its policy so that one negative opinion is matched with at least three positive ones.

Russian Disinformation and Propaganda Campaign Justifying the Annexing of Crimea in 2014

On February 26, 2014, the Russian Federation annexed the Crimean Peninsula. Russia’s unlawful actions have been condemned in the international arena, but this has in no way changed the decision of the authorities in the Kremlin. In order to prove the legitimacy of the occupation of Crimea, the Russian Federation launched a disinformation and propaganda campaign aimed primarily at the internal arena, i.e. at the Russians. The aim of the article is to analyze selected statements by Vladimir Putin regarding the annexation of Crimea and to try to answer the question of whether disinformation and internal propaganda were effective in convincing Russians that the occupation of Crimea was an act of restoring historical justice. For the purposes of the article, research methods appropriate for international relations were used.

Research objective – The aim of this article is to analyse the specifics of Russian information warfare. Starting from the definition of the concept of political strategy, the author tries to show that information warfare is one of the key instruments in the confrontation with Western states, and that the war in Ukraine has intensified Russia’s activities in this area, also towards Central European states. The means and tools used are an instrument for influencing the political and social processes taking place in other countries. Methodology – The study used a comparative method, collecting and analysing historical data and comparing theoretical approaches to categories such as political strategy, information warfare and hybrid warfare. Findings – The correlation analysis of Russian geopolitics and information warfare confirms that it is a dangerous weapon: a means of achieving the state’s goals in international, regional and domestic politics, as well as of ensuring its geopolitical superiority regionally and globally. Practical implications – This study aimed to organise and expand the available literature on the analysis of the specifics of Russian information warfare.