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Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych, ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 17 lipca 2023 r.

Scoring of scientific journals of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek according to the list of scientific journals and reviewed materials from international conferences, announced by the Minister of Education and Science on July 17, 2023.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pts
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pts
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pts
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pts
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pts
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pts
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pts
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pts
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pts
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pts
  • Azja-Pacyfik - 40 pts
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pts
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pts
  • Reality of Politics - 40 pts
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pts
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pts
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pts
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pts
  • Defence Science Review - 20 pts
  • Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne – 20 pts
  • African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus Political and Legal Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. Czasy Nowożytne i Współczesne - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. De Musica - 0 pts
  • Viae Educationis. Studies of Education and Didactics - 0 pts

Journals

New journals

Co-published journals

Past journals

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Czasopisma Marszalek.com.pl

Odpowiedzialność polityczna ministrów – konieczność czy polityczne awanturnictwo?

  • Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
  • Year of publication: 2016
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 39-52
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.05.03
  • PDF: ppk/33/ppk3303.pdf

Political responsibility of ministers – necessity or political rowdiness?

The institution of individual vote of no confidence is a part of the rationalized cabinet-parliamentary system adopted in Constitution of 1997. Its significance is associated with the ability to control the members of the government, and even to bring about the removal of a minister (or another member of the Council of Ministers), whose activities were negatively evaluated, from the office. In light of current constitutional regulationsit ought to be an institution used in special circumstances, because it interferes with the powers of the Prime Minister to form the personal composition of the Cabinet. Political practice shows, however, that the institution is often used for political purposes, aiming to destabilize the work of the government.

Odpowiedzialność członków Rządu Federalnego w Belgii

  • Author: Krzysztof Prokop
  • Institution: Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Informatyki i Przedsiębiorczości w Łomży
  • Year of publication: 2018
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 39-56
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.02.02
  • PDF: ppk/42/ppk4202.pdf

Responsibility of Members of the Federal Government in Belgium

The article is devoted to the responsibility of members of the Federal Government in Belgium. The main part of the study concerns the mechanisms of political responsibility. They include individual responsibility of ministers and collective responsibility of the cabinet. According to the original version of the Belgian Constitution of 1831 ministers were responsible to the king. Currently, the House of Representatives is authorized to enforce the individual responsibility of the minister by passing a vote of no confidence. In such situation the king is obliged to dismiss the minister. The entire cabinet may be the addressee of the motion of no confidence, too (collective responsibility). Since 1993 there has been the possibility of overthrowing the government through a constructive vote of no confidence. The article also discusses the problem of legal responsibility of ministers.

Indywidualna odpowiedzialność polityczna ministra w praktyce ustrojowej na gruncie Konstytucji RP z 2 kwietnia 1997 r.

  • Author: Marek Woźnicki
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
  • Year of publication: 2018
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 97-119
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.02.06
  • PDF: ppk/42/ppk4206.pdf

Individual Political Responsibility of the Cabinet Minister in Political Practice under the Constitution of the Republic of Poland from 2nd April 1997

According to the Constitution of Poland from 2nd April 1997, a cabinet minister is political responsible for the political direction of his office to the Sejm and to the Prime Minister. The main goal of this paper is to show, that in practice, the political responsibility of the ministers before the Sejm is illusory. The majority of the vote required to adopt a motion of no confidence is so high that its vote is only possible in exceptional circumstances. Since 1997, no motion of no confidence have been successful, so the Sejm has never succeeded in enforcing the resignation of a minister. That is why, only the political responsibility of the minister before the Prime Minister has a real meaning. The head of government can lead to the dismissal of each minister at any time. When deciding to file an application to dismiss a minister, the Prime Minister must take into account only whether such a decision does not endanger the political support of the majority of the Sejm.

Kilka uwag na temat warunków formalnych wniosku o wyrażenie wotum nieufności ministrowi

  • Author: Marek Woźnicki
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
  • Year of publication: 2018
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 161-185
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.05.10
  • PDF: ppk/45/ppk4510.pdf

Some remarks about formal requirements of the motion of no confidence to a cabinet minister

According to the Constitution of Poland from 2nd April 1997, a cabinet minister is political responsible to the Sejm and to the Prime Minister. The Sejm has power to lead to the dismissal of each minister by passing a motion of no confidence. The main goal of this paper is to show the formal requirements of an motion of no confidence to a single minister, and to answer questions: what are the reasons explaining to submit this kind of motion and when member of parliament have a right to demand a dismissal of a cabinet minister. In this paper it is shown the results of an analysis of motions of no confidence to a cabinet minister from 1997 to 2015.

Pozycja ustrojowa ministra w wybranych państwach europejskich

  • Author: Marcin Dacewicz
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie - Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
  • Year of publication: 2010
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 291-304
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.2-3.14
  • PDF: ppk/02-03/ppk2-314.pdf

The constitutional position of the Minister in chosen European states

The issue of the government in the political systems of the world is the subject of constitutionalists research for several decades. The essential factor which influences the evaluation of the political situation of the executive authority is the standpoint of the minister relations both inside the government and with other authorities. An additional differentiating feature is the separation of regime models developed in political evolution in science (but also in practice). These systems having common roots in the parliamentary system are characterized by several common elements (eg the principle of separation of powers). Each of them has developed a distinct approach to the constitutional position of the minister, which comprises the above – mentioned relationships. This text also goes to the best practices developed by (recognized in the doctrine as a model based on the unity of power) Swiss constitutional practice. In order to reach a horizon view of the minister situation it is necessary to analyze the elements specifically affecting this situation. The relationships within the executive authority should be regarded as fundamental. Here belong a way of shaping the composition of government, accountability to the Prime Minister (Chancellor), the determination of the scope of the minister competence and the minister responsibility (political and constitutional) in the context of relations with the legislature. Relationship between executive authority and legislature are the primary factors shaping the regime of the country (of course on the functional level). The importance of the political system of the country is obvious to anyone who is familiar with such concept as democracy, freedom or res publica.

Prawnoustrojowy status ministra w projektach Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej wniesionych do Komisji Konstytucyjnej Zgromadzenia Narodowego

  • Author: Marek Woźnicki
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 213-232
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.03.10
  • PDF: ppk/19/ppk1910.pdf

The Constitutional regulations placing a minister in projects of  Constitution of the Republic of Poland introduced to  Constitutional Commission of National Assembly

The first stage of work over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland passed on 2 April, 1997, was introducing the Constitution Projects according to procedure regulated in Constitution-Preparing Law of 1992. In result, there were 8 Constitional Projects, introduced by the President of the Republic of Poland, members of National Assembly and group of citizens. In those projects were many proposals of legal regulations concerning the government and the model of executive power. However the legal regulations included in those projects concerning appointing of ministers, their competences and form of individual ministerial responsibility as well as cabinet collective responsibility were similar. Most of the regulations concerning ministers included in those projects were not different from the rules of the Small Constitution of 1992, although some changes were introduced. The main issues were the way of government work and the way to determine the competences of ministers. Those projects were used in further works of Constitutional Commission and were the foundation for the process of forming the final Constitution regulations placing the minister in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland passed on 2 April, 1997.

Indywidualna odpowiedzialność parlamentarna członków rządu na gruncie Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

  • Author: Bartłomiej Opaliński
  • Institution: Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
  • Year of publication: 2011
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 97-118
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2011.04.05
  • PDF: ppk/08/ppk805.pdf

Individual Parliamentary Responsibility of the Members  of Government in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland

In the article there is presented the issue of the individual parliamentary responsibility of members of the government in Polish Constitution from 2nd April 1997. After a few historical remarks there was established the circle of entities which the title issues concerned. Next there was analyzed the mode of passing a motion of censure against the members of the government, highlighting its differences from the procedure motion of censure against Council of Ministers. As a side issue of discussion there was explained the resignation of member of the government, place at the disposal of the Prime Minister and the appeal on his initiative. In the course of the argument there was explained that the president has the absolute obligation to satisfy the request of Prime Minister concerning the dismissal of a member of government. To sum up the considerations there was established that the institution of the individual parliamentary responsibility of members of the government is well-form blended in the polish model of parliamentary government.

The impact of the strengthening of the Hungarian Prime Minister’s power on the organizational background (1989–2018)

  • Author: Ildikó Szinay
  • Institution: The Doctoral School of Public Administation Sciences of the National University of Public Service and the Head of the Secretariat at the Ministry of Human Capacities
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1793-7946
  • Year of publication: 2018
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 361-376
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.06.29
  • PDF: ppk/46/ppk4629.pdf

The Prime Minister’s Office is generally the top institution for the Head of Government, and the tool for the implementation of its strategy (whether secretarial or general government). The place, responsibilities and weight of the government differ from country to country. The author seeks to determine the extent to which the function of the Office has changed in Hungary per legislative period, or whether the changed office function can be defined by the previous established set of rules, or perhaps a new addition is required to the existing theoretical bases. With only touching on the times prior the change of regime, the author examines the Prime Minister’s background institution from the first democratic Prime Minister to the currently governing Prime Minister

The Rights and Duties of a Minister – Member of the Council of Ministers

  • Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7837-0963
  • Year of publication: 2019
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 59-69
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.04
  • PDF: ppk/51/ppk5104.pdf

The Constitution provides the possibility of appointing the ministers in two categories – ministers in charge of the government administration department and ministers performing tasks assigned by the President of the Council of Ministers. The conditions for holding the office define the rights and duties of a minister. While analyzing them, it is necessary to highlight those resulting from the fact that ministers are members of the collective executive body as well as those related to the exercise of office. The status of “departmental” ministers and that of ministers without portfolio are equivalent within the cabinet. The Act on the Council of Ministers does not define separate rights, does not impose separate obligations resulting from membership in the Council of Ministers, and the obligations toward the Sejm and its bodies remain the same.

Kilka uwag na temat rekonstrukcji rządu w Polsce

  • Author: Marek Woźnicki
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7010-134X
  • Year of publication: 2021
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 335-346
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.21
  • PDF: ppk/62/ppk6221.pdf

Some remarks about the Cabinet reconstrucion in Poland

The article provides the analysis of the current regulations about changing the organisation and composition of the Council of Ministers (Cabinet) in Poland. In light of the Constitution of Poland of 1997, the Prime Minister is responsible for the composition and overall organisation of the Cabinet and the allocation of functions between ministers according to the Branches of Government Administration Bill. In addition, the head of government has a certain margin of discretion in delivering the Cabinet reconstructions and the Machinery of Government changes. The Sejm plays a small role in this matter, however the consent of the parliament is necessary to change the Branches of Government Administration Bill.

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