External determinants of Turkish foreign policy

The main purpose of the paper was to present external (international) determinants influencing the shape of Turkish foreign policy. The structure of the work is based on the scheme developed by R. Zięba, illustrating factors shaping the foreign policy of the state. Due to volume restrictions, it was decided to analyze the following conditions: evolution of the geopolitical situation in the region, the position of the state in the system of international relations and roles, and the range of contractual international connections (objective external determinants), as well as international perception of a given country and nation, and expectations and requirements formulated towards them by other countries (subjective external determinants).

Internal Subjective Determinants of Turkish Foreign Policy

The purpose of this article was to characterize selected subjective internal determinants affecting the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey: the concept of foreign policy and the quality and activity of foreign service and diplomacy. The most important challenges that Ankara’s diplomacy was forced to address include the need for a clear statement on the side of one of the blocks fighting in World War II, reaching agreement with Greece, partially related to territorial disputes, arranging relations with the USA, Israel and Arab states, as well as conducting accession negotiations with NATO and the European Union. The assumption of power by the Justice and Development Party has started a new phase in Turkish foreign policy. The article indicates international initiatives undertaken by Turkish decision-makers after 2002, including the promotion of culture and language (Yunus Emre Institutes) and development assistance (Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency).

Selected Factors Shaping Turkish Foreign Policy

The analysis of determinants shaping the foreign policy of modern states requires taking into account a whole range of internal and external factors, both of an objective and subjective nature. The use of the typology of foreign policy determinants should be supplemented with the characteristics of factors specific to a given country, most often included in the social or cultural sphere. The lack of this type of supplement not only impairs the analysis but also makes it impossible to obtain a full picture of the phenomena and processes studied. One of the countries in which the analysis of foreign policy conditions requires consideration of a whole range of additional factors is the Republic of Turkey. The Kemalist ideology, Turkish Islam and Kurdish separatism described in this article, have a significant impact on the shape of contemporary Turkish foreign policy, thus should be thoroughly studied by all attempting to understand Turkish foreign policy.

Neo-Ottomanism Policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Its Impact on Ethnic Relations in the Country

Turkish foreign policy for many years has been based on the concept of strategic depth formulated by Ahmet Davutoğlu. Nowadays, the concept remains a base of Turkish softpower diplomacy addressed to many countries, including Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main sources of the foreign policy are the traditional historical experiences of the Ottoman empire and islamic culture. This article analyzes the Turkish softpower diplomacy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Nowadays, Turkey is focusing on the Ottoman past, as well as on the events of the 1990s: the civil war and genocide. By This way Ankara is gaining just Bosnian-muslim community support. The main question is why Turkey is leading the foreign policy in such a way? And what impact does this have on Bosnian contemporary ethnic relations?

Turkish foreign policy – internal objective determinants

The purpose of the article was to present selected conditions of the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey, formulated on the basis of a scheme of factors shaping the foreign policy of the state, developed by R. Zięba. The analyzed group of determinants was limited to the objective internal conditions, therefore factors such as: the geographical environment of the state, potential of the population, economic potential and the socio-political system. Using the analysis of legal acts, reports of research institutes, statistical data and literature on the subject, the Author of the work showed the importance of the above-mentioned internal determinants on the shaping of directions of Turkish foreign policy.

The situation of the Orthodox Church in Turkey in 1949

Athenagoras I (born Aristocles Matthew Spyrou, 1886–1972), who became the new Patriarch of the Orthodox Church in Turkey in 1949, which bears the name of the Patriarchate Fener. First and foremost, however, it must be noted that for the first time in the history of the Patriarchate Fener, Athenagoras I was elected abroad to the Patriarch, who was not a citizen of Turkey. The article analyzed the situation of the Orthodox Church in Turkey, after the change of power in this organization in 1949.

Turkish youth movement in Turkey, 1968–1971

Turkey has the honor of being the first modern, secular state in a predominantly Muslim Middle East. From 1968–1971, the Turkish armed forces played a critical role in the political formation of modern Turkey, contributing to a watershed moment in Turkish history as the country’s youth began to split between the ideological left and the right. The country was in a state of chaos as of January 1971. Turkish universities closed their doors and students formed groups of urban guerrillas, robbing banks and targeting Americans for kidnappings. “Young Turks” as they were known, grew dramatically in strength, registering the most strikes between January 1 and March 12, 1971. Consequently, a Turkish military intervention came as no surprise to most people in the country at that time. This article analyzes the Republic of Turkey’s leftist youth movement from 1968 to 1971.

Opportunities and prospects for Turkey’s accession to the European Union

The purpose of this article is to analyze the relations of the Turkish and the European Union, first of all the values and threats that it may bring into force the Old Continent. The article presents the history of European integration of Turkey and the challenges faced by this country before accession. The arguments for and against the country’s membership in the European Union from the point of view of both the Member States and Turkey are featured.

Turkey’s energy security

Türkiye is dependent on imports of energy resources from abroad, but its current economic strategy is based on the diversification of supply sources, which will make it less susceptible to possible manipulation by suppliers. The government’s energy policy focuses on increasing the share of renewable energy resources and domestic energy. Despite the ongoing armed conflict in Ukraine, Türkiye has not given up on energy cooperation with Russia, trying to balance between East and West. The main reason was the Covid-19 pandemic, which forced Ankara to intensify economic and energy contacts with Moscow again. The aim of the article is to present the challenges that Türkiye is currently facing in the sphere of energy security. The authors of the article will try to answer the following research questions: What is the primary objective of Ankara’s economic strategy? Does Türkiye have alternatives to energy cooperation with Russia? The role of Ankara in the NATO Alliance is crucial as well as its position in the international arena. For this reason the research on Türkiye must be carried out.

Polish-Turkish Relations: Genesis, History of Development, and State at the Present Stage

Türkiye and Poland are located in different geopolitical areas, so ideological and social factors strongly impede political dialogue between them. Turkish Polish relations have a long history. In 2014, both countries celebrated the 600th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Despite numerous conflicts in history, both states have consistently made efforts to maintain and improve mutual relations. Currently, in the language of diplomacy, bilateral relations between states are still friendly. The paper’s author demonstrates whether they can really be defined as such.

Geopolitical Importance of the Intermarium in Polish-Turkish Relations

Currently, the Republic of Türkiye increasingly claims to be a regional leader and simultaneously tries to strengthen its influence on world politics using its advantageous geopolitical position at the crossroads of important international roads. For historical reasons, Poland occupies a unique place on the map of Europe. It is a regional centre of political contacts, a state integrating with the West and open to cooperation with the East, and having a real opportunity to modify these relations precisely because of its geopolitical potential. Türkiye and Poland remain hostages of geopolitics and history in their respective regions. It is also evidenced by the activity, goals, and interests of the foreign policy pursued by these countries. Nevertheless, one of the current geopolitical projects implemented by Poland in Europe is the “Intermarium”. It is a bloc of anti-Russian states in the area from the Baltic to the Black Sea. In front of this reality, it is substantial to pose the following question: Why does Türkiye need the Intermarium bloc? Although Türkiye does not officially appear to be in this union, it is certain that it is in a state of cooperation. Türkiye is trying to establish a South-North economic-military axis in the Black Sea-Baltic region. Parallelly, Ankara sells weapons, such as Bayraktar TB2 attack UAVs, to Poland and Ukraine. Also, Türkiye signs military agreements with these countries. The study analyses the improvement of the Polish geopolitical idea of Intermarium. Furthermore, it deals with the role that Türkiye will play in the Intermarium project.

President Erdoğan is a colorful figure on the international arena and his actions are multidirectional and multifaceted. Hence, the aim of the article is to analyze the tactics used by Erdoğan in foreign policy and to attempt a forecast for the years 2024–2040 regarding the position of Türkiye in the world. The following methods were used: deduction and prognostic. The period from 2020 to 2022 was analyzed, and the time perspective adopted for the forecast is the period between 2024–2040. The main conclusions of the considerations are as follows. Erdoğan’s phenomenon in foreign policy is that he has built a strong expansive dangerous assertive Türkiye with global diplomatic potential which, although it does not have absolute power, is powerful enough to limit the influence of countries and institutions stronger than itself (1). Erdoğan will have a chance to turn Türkiye into a global power, or at least a state with the strength of a global power, without which no significant decisions on a global scale will be possible (2).