The intelligence service of People’s Republic of China – an outline of structures and methods of activity

Studying Chinese intelligence service brings researchers and their readers together to identify the specific ways in which the state achieves its goals internationally. Intelligence is deeply rooted in the Chinese understanding of interstate competition, and its essential effect, ie knowledge, is a key element in rational decision-making in foreign and security policy. Intelligence is also an important tool for reducing the technological gap between the PRC and Western countries. Years of tradition, size and international status make the intelligence service of the People’s Republic of China have certain characteristics that characterize its operation. Their description may help to understand the philosophy underlying the intelligence work on Chinese characteristics, the role of these institutions in foreign policy and their methodology of action. Authors decided to focus on two aspects: the structures responsible for the interview and the specificity of the approach to collecting information. The main reason for adopting such a perspective is the desire to outline the main differences in Chinese intelligence work in relation to Western countries of cultural or even Russian. A look at the structure of the intelligence and its place in the system brings us closer to understanding what role the Chinese attribute and what they expect from the institutions called to collect information.

China’s soft power

The notion of soft power introduced by American political scientist J. S. Nye is becoming increasingly popular not only in science but also in journalism. In short, this term should be understood as the use of ideology, culture and diplomacy to build the international position of a given state. The masters in the application of soft power are generally considered Western states. However, it is forgotten that for many centuries before the West soft power to build its power was successfully used by China. Also today, rebuilding its international power, China is using soft power in its mastery of the world.

The specificity of guanxi – positive or negative social capital?

The text presents the problem of a Chinese-specific phenomenon known as guanxi. Their features and their connection with Confucianism were discussed. They emphasized their permanence and continuous presence in Chinese society, emphasizing their evolution after China adopted the principles of market economy. Also tried to look at guanxi in terms of social capital, showing elements connecting both phenomena. It has been noted that some researchers have a tendency to perceive guanxi in terms of negative social capital. This approach was considered as unauthorized as a result of Western ethnocentrism and pointed to the need to respect the cultural distinctiveness of the East and West. It has also been pointed out, that the interest in China and the role that guanxi play, especially in the sphere of economy, may be due to fears of Chinese domination, as well as the lack of understanding by the West that effective modernization based on other patterns is possible than those preferred in the Euro-Atlantic cultural circle.

Factors confirming China’s power status

Nowadays it is no surprise to anyone that PRC is put on an equal footing with the USA. Current geopolitical situation is changing in inordinately dynamic way. The situation from a few years ago seems to be very different from what we have now. In a new, multipolar world China plays an increasing role. It has become the second world’s economy after USA. There are many reasons that contributed to the current situation and it is not possible to address all of them in one thesis. Nonetheless, the important thing is to understand the reasons why China is becoming a geopolitical power.
The aim of this work is to analyze the strong and ceaselessly increasing China’s position at the national level. Firstly, the changes that occurred in China over the past 70 years were analyzed. Analysis of the historical context helps to understand the dynamics of China’s growth as well as immense potential of this country. The next part of the work addresses the events that took place in 21st century with particular focus on 2008 crisis as well as its policy and economic implications that are noticeable in the present day. This part of the work also includes the assessment of China’s dynamic development. In this work there is also a description of China’s One Belt, One Road Initiative. Financial institutions associated with initiative as well as the opportunities for Europe connected with huge funds were described.
The work is based on the latest literature on the topic, online articles and statistics retrieved from People’s Republic of China’s official statistics website available in Chinese.
The work shows that China plays an essential role in the new balance of power. Due to dynamic changes in the global balance of power China can become a leading superpower in the nearest future.

The development of Chinese soft power in Central Asia – opportunities and challenges

The article presents analysis of the development of China’s soft power in Central Asia. Since 2005, China has been trying to promote Chinese language and culture in Central Asia. Institutes of Confucius began to appear in the region. There are currently 13 of them. More and more youth from this region are learning Chinese. They also go to China to study at Chinese universities. Learning Chinese language increases the prospects of professional development and employment for people from the region. However, China still has a long way to achieve a satisfactory level of promoting its culture in the region. There are accusations that Beijing wants to train the Central Asian elites in line with the Chinese model. Central Asian states are, however, particularly sensitive to their cultural heritage. Cultural independence is among the foreign policy priorities of these countries. Beijing should continue to increase efforts to create a positive image in the countries of the region. The new Silk Road is becoming an important element of diplomacy to promote Chinese soft power.

The South China Sea dispute: historical overview, discussion of problems of a political and legal nature with particular emphasis on elements of China’s foreign policy

The South China Sea is one of the key interests of Chinese foreign policy. The author of the provided article will analyse geopolitical factors, including estimation of the total value of the resources of the South China Sea, further providing the reader with information about international law regulations regarding the analysed matter, as well as presenting the current situation on the South China Sea. During the realisation of said plan, the author will try to prove the thesis that the South China Sea is of utmost importance to the Republic of China, the thesis that international law is unable to resolve disputes arising from said sea, as well as the thesis that Chinese presence is gradually increasing on the South China Sea. After proving all of the highlighted theses, the author will present the most probable political forecast, as well as opinions presented in literature regarding this matter.

Chinese and Western Comedy – an Introduction into Cross-Cultural Humour Research between Taiwan, China and the West

The use of humour, both proper and improper, can influence the outcomes of meetings and shape entire relationships. Hence, although often trivial in nature, humour can play a significant role in human lives and deserves to be taken seriously. The same is true when it comes to the analysis of humour across cultures. In today’s increasingly globalized world, where people from various cultures interact on an almost daily basis it is important to understand the other persons culture, including their sense of humour. Consequently, this article provides a basic overview of humour of the world’s two biggest and most prominent cultures: the English speaking West and the Sinitic world. There is no doubt Chinese and Western humour differ in history and contemporary structure, therefore this article presents the various forms of comedic expression found in both cultures, but also provides basic explanations as to the reasons behind these differences.

The importance of oil in the relations of the People’s Republic of China with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the second decade of the 21st century

The development of the Chinese economy in recent years and the changing international situation has led to the People’s Republic of China increasingly seeking stable sources of energy that could feed its developing economy. The countries of the Middle East, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, occupy a significant place in China’s energy security policy, but in the second decade of the 21st century, Beijing’s intensification of relations with Arab monarchies from the Gulf Cooperation Council can be observed. This article aims to show the role of energy security in Sino-Arab relations in the second decade of the 21st century and the importance of oil imports for the development of the economy of the People’s Republic of China.

The principle of non-interference in another country internal affairs and its role in People’s Republic of China foreign policy

This essay is an attempt to elaborate the role of state sovereignty and the resulting principle of non-interference in the law and practice of international relations. Authors undertook an attempt to map out the course of the evolutionary process of changing the perception of these rules and the relationship between the concept of state sovereignty and the principle of non-interference in the light of the most important acts of international law. Authors found a need to answer the question about whether and when interference in another country policy is legally and actually permissible. Moreover the goal of the article is to describe and to explain the role of non-interference principle in China’s foreign policy after year 1949. In order to achieve the stated assumption, authors analyze its historical determinant (dated back to the mid of nineteenth century) and also following, after the end of World War II, process of seeking support in international law, in face of two imperialism, which were adversarial to each other. Authors also consider the reasons for China’s economic success in Africa in the context of the principle of non-interference, to finally move into the issue regarding the evolution of the sovereignty perception and non-interference policy among Chinese decision-makers.

Three boards: security, economy and the new unknown. The complicated relationship between China and Central and Eastern Europe

Two decades ago, when China economically entered Western Europe for the first time, two dominant narratives emerged. The first one claimed that China’s involvement constitutes a great development opportunity for European continent; the other one declared that it’s a serious security threat. Those two discourses on China remain dominant until now and the opportunity vs. threat dichotomy can now also be applied to Chinese’s policy towards Central and Eastern Europe. The answer for the dichotomy is both. China’s engagement means a great opportunity for development for Central and Eastern Europe. The success, however, is uncertain. It may never fulfill due to external factors and the drawbacks may overshadow the benefits.

Critical analysis of post-Cold War China-India relations in the perspective of structural realism

Our article is an attempt to answer the question of whether it is possible for two neighbouring countries, which aspire at the same time to the role of superpowers, to cooperate and have peaceful relations with each other. In order to answer this question, we intend to prove the thesis that the state of China-India relations, despite the appearance of good neighbourly relations, is defined by growing security problems. In order to do this, we intend to conduct a system-level analysis based on the current of structural realism in international relations using historical and comparative methods. The aim of this article is to critically analyze China-Indian relations in the post-Cold War period. At the same time, we intend to show that the thriving diplomatic relations between New Delhi and Pakistan are in fact a façade concealing poorly functioning economic relations and, above all, a number of security problems. The first chapter is a brief description of the theoretical framework of the article in the form of a realistic current in international relations and security research and an explanation of the applied concepts of power balance, security dilemma and bandwagoning. The second and third chapters are a brief description and analysis of political and economic relations after the Cold War. In chapter four, we identify the leading security issues in India-China relations. In summary, we try to answer the research question and confirm the thesis.

The Implications of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor for Pakistan-European Union Relations

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) holds the potential to transform Pakistan along with its turbulent regional environment. In the short run, the multiple networks of infrastructure that the project provides will eventually improve Pakistan-European Union (EU) trade. Moreover, while the CPEC is unlikely to bring an immediate strategic shift in the bilateral dialogue, which is particularly lacking in political dynamics, its long-run promises can help to foster such dynamics. The project, if successful, can help Pakistan to establish a peaceful domestic environment and subsequently promote the country’s fresh image to reverse its softpower losses in Europe and beyond. This paper investigates contemporary Pakistan-EU relations, which have so far attracted little attention from international relations scholars. It presents the bilateral dynamics in the context of the CPEC, which is an unprecedented investment by China in Pakistan. The paper concludes by shedding light on the differences between China’s and the EU’s strategies vis-à-vis Pakistan. Despite the fact that the study focuses on one particular South Asian state, it can serve as a case study for the comparative analysis of China’s and the EU’s presence in third countries, especially those that, like Pakistan, have joined the Belt and Road Initiative.

The China-US rivalry takes place on many areas. In this article, attention is focused primarily on the technological area that plays the largest role during the coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19). In addition, scientific and technical progress is crucial for maintaining an advantage over other countries. A useful concept for the analysis is the rivalry of the powers allows to answer the research question: what is the coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19), which is currently taking place in the world, potential to contribute to China’s predominance in the race of powers with the US? The study uses a qualitative analysis of available sources and focuses, among others, on the case of Wuhan, which became the focus of a pandemic. Modern technologies used in China, allowed to slow down the spread of the virus in a relatively short time. Result: Based on the analysis, it can be assumed that China has accelerated work on artificial intelligence, which may be one of the key factors for gaining a predominance over the US in the power rivalry.

The article is devoted to the geoeconomic goals and prospects of implementing the Chinese initiative „One Belt, One Road”. The author explores the benefits, problems and future opportunities that open up to the Republic of Kazakhstan as a participant in this initiative. The analysis carried out in the article showed that there are still many problems in the implementation of the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) project taking into account the state program of Kazakhstan “Nurly Zhol”, and difficulties arise in the practical implementation of various cooperation areas. At the same time, Kazakhstan should be guided exclusively by its national interests in cooperation with China in the framework of the “One Belt, One Way” initiative.

Selected Aspects of Chinese-French Relations in the 21st Century

The relationship of the People’s Republic of China with the French Republic was initiated in 1964 and has been constantly evolving since then. The 21st century and the changes taking place in the international system have contributed to the growth of China’s position in the international arena as a superpower, while France has been trying to maintain its dominant position in the European Union for two decades. Both countries have a lot in common and divide. The element that binds both countries together is their status in the UN Security Council, their ambivalent attitude to the superpower status of the United States, and the mutual willingness to expand economic cooperation. Among the factors that differ Beijing and Paris, there are rivalries in Africa and the approach to human rights. This does not change the fact that France is one of the main directions of China’s European policy and makes it one of Beijing’s most important political and economic partners. The international situation that both the Chinese and French governments have to face may contribute to a change in bilateral relations in the near future and the need for both sides to look for another partner in the region - in Europe through China and in Asia through France. This article aims to highlight the most important aspects of Sino-French relations in the 21st century, with particular emphasis on political and economic cooperation, especially in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. Outlining these aspects in the relations between China and France determines the construction of the article, which consists of three main parts corresponding to the relevant issues. The aim of this article is also to answer a number of research questions, such as: what were the most important controversial issues in Sino-French relations? Has the title of the most important politicians at the head of China and France influenced bilateral relations? Do relations with France’s changing relations affect the international position of the PRC? Among the research materials used in this article, Polish, English and French-language literature can be mentioned, because access to Chinese materials is extremely difficult, including their translation into other languages. A number of research methods have been used to analyze this research problem, including historical analysis and description or decision method.

The Great Missing One. India and the Belt and Road Initiative

The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), popularly known as the New Silk Road, from the moment of initiation, arouses interest of researchers and policy makers. Due to its scale and multidimensionality, this initiative potentially may help to reconstruct or at least deeply change the world order. The bold ambitions of China create not only impresses but also concerns many countries, including the equally ambitious emerging superpower - India. The aim of the article is to analyze India’s reactions to the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative.

China as a Strategic Economic Partner in the Concepts of Russian Foreign Policy in the 2020s

The article presents an idea of the possible Russian - Chinese strategic economic partnership at the beginning of the 21st century. The author indicates the main factors influencing Russian Federation foreign policy towards China from the perspective of a neoclassical realism.The author stands that according to J. Rosenau, the main factors determining the Russian foreign policy are idiosyncratic and role. Then he analyses the Russian documents of foreign policy, economic data and geopolitical ideas. On that ground, he makes a simple analyse using the neoclassical realism model, that’s integrates Foreign Policy Analyse and International Relations Theory, joining independent and intervening variables, to support the article’s hypotheses. That hypotheses say that, firstly, The Peoples Republic of China (PRC) plays a role of diversification of Russia’s international economic ties; and secondly, The PRC status as a Russia’s strategic partner is at issue, despite the official declarations of both sides.

The policy of the People’s Republic of China towards Central and Eastern Europe in 2012-2020

In the second decade of the 21st century, the Middle Kingdom, which had huge financial surpluses, became the world’s largest exporter of money capital, which meant that investment policy became the main element of China’s foreign policy. In the case of Central and Eastern Europe, the 16+1 (17+1) format, containing both investment policy and soft power elements, has become the basic tool of the general policy of Middle Kingdom. This article aims to define the basic principles of China’s policy towards Central and Eastern Europe. For this purpose, the following general hypothesis was formulated: Chinese policy in Central and Eastern Europe consists of presenting the countries of this region with initiatives that do not go beyond the sphere of declarations and serve as a bargaining chip in relations with Germany, the country with the greatest potential in the European Union. The general hypothesis gives rise to detailed hypotheses that were verified in individual parts of the article with the use of the comparative method. The reasons most often mentioned in the literature on the subject, such as economic, cultural, social, and political differentiation of Central and Eastern European countries, legal barriers resulting from EU legislation, insufficient recognition of the region’s needs by the Chinese side and asymmetry of expectations of both parties, undoubtedly largely contribute to the lack of effective Sino-CEE cooperation. However, they cannot be considered decisive because similar problems occur wherever Chinese companies appear. However, in many regions of the world, despite these obstacles, mutual economic relations are more dynamic than in CEE. The reasons why the potential of the 16+1 (17+1) format has not been properly used can be found primarily in the context of German-Chinese relations.

From Economic to Geopolitical Policy: The Middle East on the Silk Road

The article aims to present and evaluate the activities and politics of the People’s Republic of China in the Middle East, and to define its objectives through the Silk Project. It will provide an overview of the most important changes in the Chinese foreign and political policy, and the importance of the Middle East, particularly the Silk Road to China, and it will try to answer the following questions: How important is the Middle East for the Silk Road? Will the Chinese project bring stability to the region in light of the fierce competition between the great powers? The article adopted the hypothesis that China’s involvement in the Middle East will deepen the conflict between the countries of the region among themselves, and thus become a fertile ground for international conflicts to the international conflict.

The author examines the importance of the “Chinese factor” in today’s world from the perspective of current phenomena such as particular political and economic uncertainty, and examines them against the background of global cooperation and parallel – unprecedented competition at the same level. Globalization processes have taken place over the centuries, but have gained particular importance in our present day. However, they continue to evolve; however, we have left “the golden age” of globalization (1990–2010) already behind us and the related processes are more difficult now. They have acquired new characteristics and for a new success requires application of entirely new recipes. China ever louder talks about the need for a “new” globalization, in line with its new aspirations as a pretender for the global economy’s leadership position. The Belt and Road Initiative, launched in 2013, has been in the center of its vision. It has become the foundation for China’s foreign policy in the horizon of at least the middle of XXI century. It could be designed to re-confirm the unprecedented China’s economic success of the past four decades, which to a great extent could be derived from a skillful use of the “traditional” mechanisms of globalization. In the Belt and Road Initiative, China sees the prescription for overcoming emerging internal tensions and difficulties and the new way to a global success. The author examines the emerging at this stage, complex challenges for today’s China and the Belt and Road Initiative, that can be defined as “external” and dependent not only on own Chinese decisions. They stem e.g. from the need to overcome many barriers and cultural differences between China and its countries-partners in the Belt and Road project. On the other hand, the author identifies some “internal” challenges of systemic nature. Their reduction, and sometimes even abolition, depends mainly on mechanism applied independently by the Chinese side.