The change of the political regime in Czechoslovakia, called the Velvet Revolution, is considered as a success story of transformation after 1989. However, in nowadays Czech Republic, the Communist Party still exists – this is the only such case among democratic countries of Central Europe. It makes us ask the question: is the Velvet Revolution completed? The author treats the activities of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia as a criterion for the assessment of changes in the Czech Republic after 1989 and wonders how strong for the assessment of the transformation influences the relics of the former regime. He stresses that transformation in the Czech Republic can’t be assessed on a comparative scale, because pace and effects of changes were different in different countries, as different was the nature of the previous regimes. The author concludes that the existence of the Communist Party is the natural element of contemporary political reality of the Czech Republic, which negates the achievements of transformation in no way. 

This paper is not an attempt to present the process of political changes that occurred in Poland after the end of the Second World War. Its aim is to indicate and explain the characteristics of the process of political change which after 1945 turned Poland into a totalitarian socialist state, and from 1989 led to the construction of the democratic state. The fate of Poland and other Eastern European countries was decided by the strategic interests of the great powers. The memory of the victims of war and democratic axiology gave way to the calculations and domination of force. Many nations were deprived of subjectivity and the possibility of sovereign choice in their future development. In Poland the place of the sovereign nation had been taken by a small group of politicians who became the plenipotentiaries of the Soviet leadership. The creation of the totalitarian system was an essential precondition for the implementation of the Stalinist model of society entirely dominated by the Communist Party, the state described as socialist, and its apparatus of repression. The rule over the nation, although it was called the dictatorship of the proletariat, was a dictatorship over the enslaved society. Only the gradual erosion and finally the collapse of the centre of communist world, created in this part of Europe the possibility to choose freely the model of collective life. The victory of the Polish Solidarity and the fall of Berlin Wall alike symbolize the overcoming the post-Yalta order and the return of these nations to the European, democratic idea of social order. After 1989 the political solutions in which power is protecting the needs, interests and aspirations of each individual as well as the common good, considered the summum bonnum, were chosen. This power is by its very nature decentralised.

From this short, synthetic review of participation of Presidents in cabinet formation in 1989 – 1995 results that W. Jaruzelski was fully loyal towards processes of democratic changes in Poland. The position of the first, in the history of third RP, head of state was weakened by fiasco of C. Kiszczak mission of government formation; the politician indicated by the President appeared ineffective. But W. Jaruzelski accepted C. Kiszczak failure with dignity and he engaged himself in the process of formation of T. Mazowiecki cabinet although he had constitutional instruments to block it. “President Jaruzelski, Siwicki (Ministry of Defence) and I spread a protective umbrella over this Cabinet against »hardliners« in Poland and abroad.”. L. Wałęsa, benefiting from social consent, very actively took part in the process of formation of solidarity cabinets both before and after he became the head of state. He, with the substantive help of his closest and most trusted associate – prof Lech Falandysz – forced through a favourable for himself interpretation of art 61 of Small Constitution. Because of this, ministers from MoD, MIA, MFA in Pawlak and Oleksy’s Cabinets were appointed by the head of state. It should be stressed that L. Wałęsa helped to promote two prominent politicians: J.K Bielecki and W. Pawlak.

Male politicians are becoming increasingly aware of the fact that women have great power. Girls account for 50% of the population of school students. Women seem to be much better at handling the financial crisis than men. The recession primarily aftected the masculine part of business – widespread layoffs hit typically male industries, such as cars, tobacco, financial services. In the U.S., men account for 80% of people who lost jobs as the result of the recent crisis. Moreover, it is women that make most decisions relating to household expenses. They are also more inclined to save up for future. They typically spend money on things like education, healthcare, food and cosmetics. They also invest in their children’s future. At present, women have about $10.5 trillion at their disposal, while men have approximately $23.4 trillion. However, this disproportion is still getting smaller. The past decade saw the distance between these two worlds constantly diminish. Women control $12 trillion out of $18.4 trillion spent by consumers every year. Moreover, the increasing number of working women – as Michael J. Silverstein points – means that their income is increasing. 

Transformations in the ownership of state owned companies in Poland a! er 1989 played a pivotal role in the general political transformation which took place in Poland at that time. Those ownership changes were an essential element of the political transformation of Poland. The process of transforming the country’s economy from central economic planning to free market economy was started by Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government. On October 9, 1989, the Council of Ministers accepted a document Guidelines and Directions of Poland’s Economic Policy which aimed at stabilizing the country’s economy and at transforming its economic system. " e stabilization programme was supposed to be implemented by January, 1990.3 " e second stage of the governmental plan was planned for the years 1990–1991 and one of its main tenets was a transformation of ownership rights. Krzysztof Lis, the government’s plenipotentiary for ownership transformation, was responsible for the organization and legislation of the process of privatizing Polish economy. T. Mazowiecki’s cabinet prepared both a draft for the new amendment of the legal act concerning state owned companies and a dra! of a new act about privatizing state owned companies.

In Poland’s most recent history, year 2009 was a time to celebrate a special anniversary. Twenty years ago, events that started a political transformation in Poland took place. They were connected with the Round Table Talks, elections to the so-called Contract Sejm and the fact that Tadeusz Mazowiecki became the Prime Minister. In 2009 Poland also celebrated 70th anniversary of II World War, 10th anniversary of its admission to NATO and 5th anniversary of joining the European Union. The celebrations of these events involved exhibitions, conferences and scientific seminars. Articles were written and television networks broadcast interviews and documentaries about the recent historical events that happened in Poland’s history.

Artykuł przedstawia uwarunkowania przebudowy struktur organizacyjnych mniejszości serbołużyckiej w trakcie przełomu politycznego i przygotowań do jednoczenia się obu państw niemieckich. Autorka tekstu analizując wydarzenia kilku miesięcy przełomu lat 1989/1990 zaprezentowała główne nurty przemian w środowisku mniejszości oraz etapy budowania konsensusu narodowego.

Chairman of the Government in the Czech Republic - Evolution of Political System and Constitutional Practice

The article discusses the evolution of the political position of heads of government in the Czech Republic. Time censures are between 1992 and 2019. The institution of the Prime Minister has become a real instrument of political power for the leaders of political groups in the country discussed. The parliamentary model of government in force in the Czech Republic assumes close cooperation between the legislative and executive authorities. The analysis includes both the constitutional regulations and political practice of the last nearly 30 years.

The article presents the goals, tasks, organization and major stages of implementation of the international programme of research on transformation in the countries Central Asia. The research has been conducted since 1997 by a team of political scientists from the University of Warsaw in cooperation with representatives of other Polish and foreign universities.

This text is an attempt to subjectively consider of the issue of equality, on the topic of which Ryszard Borowicz in 1988 wrote a monograph entitled “Równość i sprawiedliwość społeczna” [Equality and Social Justice]. The author, referring to a historical and legal overview of the notion of the citizen, tries to suggest that it is the political system that determines the status of its citizens. What is more, it also determines not only their legal situation but also the scope of their subjective rights, freedoms and obligations. The general principles enshrined in the constitution are the means that the legislator uses to show the citizens which values he considers the most important and which are intended to guide social change. The main goal of the authors’ deliberations is to signal the need to continue research on equality, especially given that the notion of equality should be considered from a wider perspective, for example taking into account the change of the political and legal system.

An analytical Framework to identify the general causes of party decline and collapse in Eastern and Central Europe is developed in this article. The causes of a parties failure are divided into those connected with its institutionalization (internal and external) and those independent of the party.

The Case of KLD. A History of a Community

The article is an attempt to scratch environmental portrait „of Gdansk liberals” who founded the Congress of the Liberal-Democratic. KLD came from Gdansk Social Economic „Congress Liberals”, an informal organization set up two years earlier, a grouping of opposition from environmental Donald Tusk, Janusz Lewandowski and Jan Krzysztof Bielecki – the creators of the magazine „Political Review”. National conference founder held on 29 and 30 June 1990, the group formally registered on October 9 of the same year. His program KLD described as „pragmatic liberalism”. He preached the need for privatization and extension of the scope of the free market. He advocated the Polish integration with Western structures, carefully carried decommunization and the ideological neutrality of the state.

The Role of the agreement between „Solidarity”, United People’s Party and Alliance of Democrats in Poland’s striving for democracy

A modification of Polish political system without undermining the predominant role of Polish United Workers’ Party was declared in the resolutions of the Round Table agreement. However, the election of June and following agreement between “Solidarity”, United People’s Party and Alliance of Democrats changed this situation. The coalition between “Solidarity”, United People’s Party and Alliance of Democrats was above all realistic and played a key role in the process of transition from authoritarianism to democracy

“Self-governing Republic” – the ideological signpost of “Solidarity”

In the autumn of 1981, the 1st National Congress of Delegates of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity” took place, which democratically elected its authorities and adopted a modern program. The program covered all areas of life. Its basis was supposed to be workers’ self-government. The gradual implementation of the program was to lead to the democratization of the system through free elections at the regional and then national level. The introduction of martial law made it impossible to start reforms and delayed the political transformation. During the system change in 1989, during the Round Table talks, some of the provisions contained in the “Solidarity” program were used. We can acknowledge that the 1st National Congress of Solidarity Delegates played a role in the process of political and social transformation in Poland. Further implementation of the postulates was possible in a democratic system.