Strongholds as power institutions in the early-Piast monarchy (in written sources)

Paper summarizes selected source information concerning strongholds as power institutions of Polish monarchy in 10th–12th c. AD: forged foundation diploma for Mogilno Benedictine abbey (with date 1065), papal bullae for Gniezno, Włocławek, Wrocław and Kraków dioceses, and relevant fragments of Gallus Anonymus and Magister Vincentius chronicles.

Constitutional and political role of the royal family in Arab monarchies – Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco

The article aims to explain the constitutional and political role of the royal family in three Arab monarchies: Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Morocco. The introduction discusses the typology of monarchy, including the division into individual monarchies with the marginal role of the royal family and monarchies where the royal family holds a significant position. Through the use of a comparative method, the article analyses the constitutional position of the royal family according to the normative acts of the studied states. The next part of the article attempts to answer the following questions: what place does the royal family occupy in the political system of their country? do its members have individual competences or share them with other state authorities? The importance of factors such as religion and family history will be emphasized. In addition, the author will indicate areas of social and political life that may be influenced by members of the royal family.

Although the current Constitution of 1978 does not include the right to a legislative veto among royal prerogatives, this institution has a rich tradition in Spanish constitutionalism. In the 19th century, despite the clash between conservative and liberal ideas, the King almost continuously had the right to refuse to sanction law projects. Only the political changes of the 20th century finally deprived the monarch of the right to intervene in the legislative process. However, under the current Constitution, all laws must be sanctioned by the King, which often causes political and legal controversy.

The Position of a Head of State in the Political System of the Principality of Liechtenstein

The aim of the article is to present the position of a head of state in the Principality of Liechtenstein. The Principality is one of the European monarchies, but it is distinguished from others by the fact that the position of the prince is far-reaching, by no means limited only to representatives functions. The prince’s activity to internal and external politics is rooted in the constitution in force since 1921 and was presented in the article. The position of the head of state also results from historical and social conditions. It is salso based on non-constitutional solutions. Princerly prerogatives are broad. Although attempts were made to limit them, such proposals were rejected in a referendum. Additionally, during the voting in 2003, the ruler’s powers were further extended.

Commonwealth Realms as a Relic of the Past. Change of the Political System in Barbados

After 70 years of Queen Elizabeth II’s Commonwealth Realms reign, only 15 countries remain, counting the United Kingdom. Barbados gained complete autonomy, becoming a republic after 55 years of independence. The purpose of this paper is to provide an outline of the process that took place in Barbados, from the time the British decided to settle on the Island, until it became a republic. The main research method used by the author, is source analysis and the point of reference is the Barbados Constitution Amendment Act of 28.09.2021, whereby from 30.11.2021, Barbados becomes a republic and all duties previously exercised by the Governor-General are exercised by the President.

Jordan is an Arab state that commenced its existence in 1921 as the Emirate of Transjordan. Its establishment resulted from a political game between the British and prince Abdullah from the House of Hashemite. The only justification for a separate state with the capital in Amman was the reign of the Hashemites in this area. In 1991, during democratization of the kingdom’s political system, the Jordanian National Charter was proclaimed. This document summarized the postulates and opinions of the Jordanian society. The analysis of selected passages from the Charter indicates complete dominance of pan-Arab thought among the authors of the text. It is also necessary to indicate frailty of Jordanian identity, despite several decades of the state’s existence. The article indicates the abovementioned dependencies and the fact that the dynasty authority remains the primary aspect of distinctiveness.

Thrasco rex Abodritorum or why the Franks tried to transform an acephalous society of the Obodrites into a gens

The purpose of this article is to explain why the Franks established Thrasco (Drożko) king of the Obodrites in 804. In the considerations, I try to present arguments indicating that the actions of the Franks were attempts at transforming an acephalous community into the so-called “secondary tribe”. This transformation allowed the Franks not only to control the Obodrites but also to coordinate their military activities. We may believe that the designation of Thrasco as king of the Obodrites in 804 was a carefully planned move by the Franks to transform the loosely connected segments of the Obodrite community, polyphalous in nature, into a gens – a community under a king’s authority. The Frankish policy in the northeastern Slavic dominion was intended to establish a central decision-making centre of the Obodrites that would make commitments binding on all its members on behalf of the entire community. What is more, it allowed for a mechanism to mobilise all the Obodrite segments for coordinated military action conducted within the Frankish-Obodrite alliance. On the other hand, granting the lands of the displaced Nordalbingians to the Obodrites resulted from, among other things, an attempt to drive a wedge between the Danish communities hostile to the Franks and the newly conquered Saxon territories. This ‘Obodrite buffer zone’ (let’s give it a working name) was intended to secure the Franks’ hegemony over the lower Elbe.

Legitimists Versus Orleanists – the Essence of the Dispute Among Contemporary French Monarchists

The subject of the study is an analysis of the dispute dividing contemporary French monarchists. Among the two main factions of this movement, the Legitimists and Orléanists, there is no agreement on the fundamental issue of this movement, namely who should sit on the French throne in the event of a possible restoration of the monarchy. Contrary to appearances, this dispute is not just a historical or emotional dispute. This is a strictly legal conflict and is based on a different interpretation of the principles of succession law of the French monarchy. The article outlines the cause and essence of this dispute, and also mentions the legal arguments put forward by each party.