Problemy wiary i religii państwa świeckiego, ich wzajemnych relacji są w czasach chwiejącego się świata1 bardzo istotne i nie do przecenienia.
Należy szukać odpowiedzi jak pogodzić renesans religijności ze wzmożonym sekularyzmem w różnych krajach. Mówimy również o postsekularyzmie. Te ważkie zagadnienia determinują podziały polityczne w Polsce. Bez wspólnego dialogu, dążenia do konsensusu, odrzucenia fundamentalności możemy jako wspólnota polska przestać istnieć.
Grozi nam przejście od utopii do dystopii. Wszystko zależy od tego jak reagować na te wyzwania będą państwo i Kościół katolicki. Należy również odrzucić wszelkie fobie i nacjonalizm z szowinizmem narodowym.

W Europie obserwujemy zjawisko renesansu nacjonalizmu. Zauważalny jest wyraźnie wzrost znaczenia partii odwołujących się do kategorii narodu i interesu narodowego. Niektórzy mówią wręcz o trzeciej fali nacjonalizmu po okresie nacjonalizmu demokratycznego z lat 1789–1870 i niedemokratycznego z okresu od 1886 do 1945 r., wówczas nastąpić miałby czas nacjonalizmu europejskiego. Rzeczywiście partie i ugrupowania nacjonalistyczne w poszczególnych krajach europejskich odnalazły wiele łączących je problemów, pewne uniwersalne treści wspólne im wszystkim, których chcą bronić, bądź je propagować. W związku z tym mamy do czynienia z próbami tworzenia sieci transnarodowych, walczących o wspólne cele, przeciwstawiających się zjawiskom migracji, islamizacji czy federacyjnemu modelowi integracji europejskiej.

The insignificant trends of political thought. Contradictions and understatements

The main issue of this article are the insignificant trends of political thought and their contradictions and understatements. The article describes the following trends of political thought: anarchism, communism, nationalism, monarchism, transhumanism, primitivism, ruralism and also National anarchism, National Bolshevism and Slavophilism. These trends of political thought are characterized by internal contradictions and opposition to democracy.

Narastające migracje do bogatych krajów Północy ewokują pełen napięć dyskurs uprzywilejowani Oni versus mniej uprzywilejowani Inni. Znormatywizowane postawy wytworzone przez nacjonalistyczne „wspólnoty wyobrażone” oraz społeczno-ekonomiczne realia kraju, do którego udaje się emigrant, ugruntowują strukturę nierówności oraz brak dialogu in between. Na podstawie powieści Vigdis Hjorth zatytułowanej Et norsk hus autorka zwraca uwagę na istotność owych procesów komunikacyjnych oraz potrzebę tworzenia polifonicznej przestrzeni wzajemnej odpowiedzialności, opartej na solidarnościowych założeniach feminizmu.

Jan Stachniuk (1905–1963) was genuine Polish philosopher and political activist. Stachniuk started his activity in ranks of the left-wing Piłsudskite youth movement but during 1930s he became an ideologue of the anti-Catholic ultra-nationalist far right group called Zadruga. Under Nazi occupation of Poland Zadruga movement was absorbed into left-nationalist Stronnictwo Zrywu Narodowego and after the World War II Stachniuk unsuccessfully tried to collaborate with new communist regime. His ideology was synthesis of pantheist neopaganism, extreme pan-Slavic nationalism and totalitarian (quasi-Stalinist) version of socialism but his last – and most mature – works proclaimed universalist ideal of human creativity.

Spain is one of the countries which is facing a lot of nationalist sentiments and aspirations of certain autonomous communities seeking if not for sovereignty, then at least for greater autonomy or a federal system. This paper aims at investigating the case of Catalonia by examining the roots of Catalan nationalism, its main determinants and drivers for change. It also explains the reasons for evolution of the accompanying factors and claims that Catalan nationalism is civic and not ethnic in nature. Its main factors are economic and cultural as well as ideological ones, built on the common identity shaped by cultural and religious heritage. Till the crisis of 2007/2008, Catalan nationalism was not violent – neither in actions nor in its claims. Deterioration of the economic situation and social frustration made it easier for politicians to use the nationalist argument to win a political battle. It resulted in the revival of stronger nationalist sentiments and a desire for self-determination.

The article presents the issue of influence of the political myth of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu on the thought of contemporary Polish nationalist groups. The Legionary Movement is a particular example of combining a strong religious commitment with political extremism. The figure of Codreanu is one of the most frequently invoked in the discourse of contemporary nationalist groups. The aim of this article is to show the influence of the Codreanu myth on the political thought of four contemporary Polish groups: National Revival of Poland, All-Polish Youth, National-Radical Camp, and Falanga. As a result of the analysis of the content presented by the groups mentioned above, the political myth of Codreanu can be considered the most popular personal political myth of contemporary Polish as well as European nationalism.

Contemporary nationalisms as a manifestation of the paradox of globalization

Transformations within national and international policies influenced by globalization, cause changes in value systems and related modifications in the conditions of functioning of political entities, contributing to their evolution. This publication is an attempt to show new directions in international relations and to show certain regularities that follow periodically, determining the behavior of political participants. The starting point for the research is the indication of contemporary manifestations of nationalism, analysis of progressing globalization and the relationship that exists between them. On this basis will be indicated regularities, which influence the shaping of the structure of social support for liberal or nationalist postulates. The publication may contribute to changing the perception of the nature of globalization and understanding the reasons for the increase in support for liberalism and nationalism.

Question of racism in the thought of the ideologists of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (1929–1945)

The goal of the article is to show what role did the racist elements play in the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and whether they were present in that ideology at all. In the scientific discourse it remains controversial, whether OUN was in fact a fascist organization. Those discussions very often ignore the question of racism and its role in both Italian fascism and Ukrainian nationalism. It is also rarely analyzed what was the nature of those racist elements. In the article the historical-legal method has been used, as well as the comparative method. The problem has not been analyzed in the chronological manner, in order to secure the clarity of the article Applied structure of the paper allows showing the analyzed problem from the most general questions to more detailed ones. Works of the ideologists connected with OUN, such as Dmytro Dontsov, Volodymyr Martynec’, Dmytro Orlyk, Yuliyan Vassyjan and Yuriy Lypa have been analyzed, Author decided to underline most important parts of their thought presented in their books and pamphlets and compare their views on each issue. It allowed to indicate that racism is often a topic presented in the works of the ideologists of OUN, although there is no one version of that thought. Every author presents his own view on that topic and other approach. However, they seem to become gradually more interested in the problem of the race in late 30’s and 40’s. However Ukrainian racism is not a biological racism. It treats the race as the spiritual phenomenon with a biological substrate.

Results of the elections to the Regional Parliament and the Cortes Generales in the Basque country as a reflection of the nationalist tendencies

Basque nationalism is a multifaceted and complex issue in which many aspects overlap, but much can be deduced from the political sympathies expressed by the inhabitants of the Basque Country during the elections to both the regional parliament and the Cortes Generales. The political parties’ programs are also a good source of knowledge. The aim of the article is to outline the programs of the Basque main political parties and the results of parliamentary elections as two important determinants for the analysis of nationalist tendencies in this autonomous community. The article provides an analysis of the political origins of Basque nationalism and also focuses on the PNV party as the leading political force for moderate nationalism. The last part concerns the socio-political moods at the end of the second decade of the 21st century in the Basque Country.

Putin and His Version of “Remembrance Policy” Towards Russians

The Russian “remembrance policy” is an approach to instrumental treating history for creating new image of Russian patriotism after the collapse of the USSR. It has been initiated by Gorbachev, supplemented by Yeltsin, and specified by Putin. The latter has used history for actual politics. It has little to do with the historical truth but that is not important in his “remembrance policy”. Significant is a possibility of placing its elements the “information warfare” that aims to enhance the imperial position of contemporary Russia, also by using military force. A “remembrance policy” understood in this way has served for building strong Russian nationalism.

A signpost at the crossroads. The life and thought  of Józef Karol Potocki (1854–1898) of Józef Karol Potocki (1854–1898

Józef Karol Potocki vel Marian Bohusz (1854–1898) was very important and influential although forgotten thinker. His ideas of evolutionary socialism and ethnic nationalism were fundamental for both main Polish political formations of the 1st half of 20th century: Polish Socialist Party (and broader Piłsudski’s camp) and National Democracy. The very fundament of Potocki’s world-view was idea of any “cosmic energy” as prime mover of evolution. The evolution leads towards broader and broader, deeper and deeper integration, towards more complex societies. In opinion of Potocki socialism (as a system based on cooperation) would be natural result of this evolution. Historical and cultural heritage transform society into nation – community bonded by biological ancestry, economic cooperation and culture. This ethnic meaning of the Polish nation excluded Jewish minority. On the other hand, the real nation are the working people (especially peasants), not ruling classes. Nation needs an independent state as instrument of autonomous development, therefore Potocki was bitterly anti-Russian. Potocki tried to propagate the idea of a common front of socialists and nationalists for independence. Polarization of Polish public opinion in the end of 19th century made his efforts unsuccessful.

Contemporary extremely nationalistic discourse on the example of the French National Front and the Dutch Party for Freedom

The article describes and compares the two extremely nationalist groups which is: the French National Front, led by Marine Le Pen and the Dutch Freedom Party, founded by Geert Wilders. The publication presented the key demands of the program and forms of action of this organizations. Subsequentliy comparative analysis of these two parties was conducted, which shows that the French formation evolves into softened public discourse, while the Dutch constantly radicalized their message. In the last part of the publication, it will be also outlined the political future of these groups, placed in the broader context of the functioning of the extreme nationalist organizations.

Processes of adiaphorization in contemporary Polish politics in the light of Zygmunt Bauman’s theory

The aim of this article is to outline the processes of adiaphorization (the term which was coined by the Polish-English sociologist Zygmunt Bauman, who was a subtle analyst of the issue of power) in contemporary capitalist Poland after the collapse of the real socialism system. This text consists of three chapters. The author begins by outlining the similarities and differences between adiaphorisation in the two phases of modernity: ‘heavy’ (‘solid’) and ‘liquid’ (‘flexible’); the former was characteristic of the society of producers (workers and soldiers), while the latter was characteristic of the society of consumers. It then moves on to nationalism as a source of adiaphorization, which Bauman himself experienced personally as a leftwinger of Jewish origin. The final section focuses on the establishment of order and its collateral victims, including ‘flawed consumers’.

Znaczenie Kaukazu Północnego dla bezpieczeństwa Federacji Rosyjskiej

The article is dedicated to the dilemmas of post-imperial statehood in the context of Russian Federation security, with the particular emphasis on the fundamental alternative: to maintain the polyethnic (quasi-imperial) model of state or to build a nation state. The Author defines the concept of „empire” from the point of view of three determinants: the concentric structure based on center-periphery dichotomy, orientation towards the external mission and imperial idea. From this point of view, Russia is an imperial state (contrary to Tsarist Empire and USSR), neither is a typical nation state. The Author tries to prove that The author tries to demonstrate that the abandonment of federal, multinational state model would be tantamount to the loss of strategically important North Caucasus, which would deprive it of a regional power status. The study contains a multi-faceted exploration of the North Caucasus (which is a highly turbulent region) as a key territory for the global dimension of geostrategy. The Author analyzes potential threats to North Caucasian security and actions taken by Moscow in order to prevent them. He pays attention to the growing popularity of slogans about the necessity of separation of Caucasus and Russia. In his opinion, Caspian-Black Sea Region would become a zone of global destabilization, posing a threat to the world peace.

The Role of (Post)memory and Film in the South Korean National Narrative and its Impact on Relations with Japan

There seems to be a barrier in relations between Japan and South Korea that, despite shared interests and values, is an obstacle to building a lasting reconciliation. Political solutions that are supposed to be permanent and unchangeable (such as the agreement on comfort women) are being undermined. The idea of unresolved historical disputes and the lack of sufficient apologies has been ingrained in South Korea, which influences the perception of Japan as a dishonest partner. Subsequently, the brutality of authoritarian rule and the restriction of civil rights became associated with the legacy of the colonial period. Although political elites on both sides agree on the need to build future- oriented relationships, these efforts encounter internal resistance. Analysis of the role played by the collective memory of the colonial period allows us to notice antagonisms that lead to the reification of reality in which lasting reconciliation without solving historical disputes is impossible. Using the film, a post-memory with a strongly emotional tone is constructed, reinforcing anti-Japanese resentments. The analysis of the development of film narratives about the colonial period serves to capture changes in the national discourse and leads to conclusions regarding the impact not only on relations with Japan, but also on the connection between the anti-colonial discourse and the criticism of authoritarian power. The rhetorical vision presented in the films has been so deeply rooted in the national narrative that changing it seems extremely difficult - which is why it constantly threatens the building of lasting reconciliation with Japan.