Federacja Rosyjska to obecnie największy eksporter gazu ziemnego oraz ropy naftowej na europejski rynek paliw. W skład europejskiego rynku paliw wchodzą państwa zrzeszone w V4. Różnią się potencjałem energetycznym, przyjętą strategią polityki zagranicznej, w tym oceną roli i znaczenia jakie UE powinna odgrywać w ramach prowadzonej przez siebie polityki energetycznej. Elementami wspólnymi w zakresie prowadzonej przez kraje V4 polityki energetycznej pozostają uzależnienie od Federacji Rosyjskiej w zakresie importu ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego oraz związane z tym obawy dotyczące bezpieczeństwa energetycznego. Wszystko to ma miejsce w obliczu realizowanej przez władze rosyjskiej strategii budowy „mocarstwa energetycznego”, które wykorzystując surowce energetyczne jako źródło kreacji relacji w polityce zagranicznej, wewnętrznej będzie zdolne wpływać na bieg wydarzeń na Starym Kontynencie. Publikacja Strategia energetyczna Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej ma na celu przybliżenie relacji pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a państwami Grupy V4 w zakresie handlu, przesyłu surowców energetycznych jak również przejmowania przez Federację Rosyjską infrastruktury poszczególnych sektorów energetycznych krajów Europy Środkowowschodniej.

Status of international agreements in the Russian constitutional law

International agreements are an important element stabilizing the international law and Russia’s relations with other countries. Bordering with 14 countries and being a politically active member of several dozen international organizations, Russia is a party to the vast number of contracts and international agreements concluded between countries as well as international organizations. In April 1986, the Soviet Union ratified the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 22 May 1969. After the changes in the political system, the Russian Federation as the successor to the Soviet Union defined the status of international agreements in the Constitution of 12 December 1993 in the Federal Law of 15 July 1995 on the international treaties of the Russian Federation and the Federal Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation. The purpose of this article is to present the status of international agreements of the Russian Federation, in particular the primacy of international law over national laws – in the light of Federal Constitutional Law, case law and the doctrine, including latest changes in the Law on the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of December 2015.

Social associations in the Russian Federation. Legal status with particular emphasis on laws on organizations fulfilling the function of a foreign agent and undesirable organizations on the territory of the Russian Federation

The aim of this article is the general characteristics of the legal status of associations in Russia. They include the origin of association movement, overview of current legal sources, basic terms, and discussion of selected regulations limiting the right to association, with particular emphasis on law of 20 July 2012 on organizations fulfilling the function of a foreign agent and law of 23 May 2015 on undesirable organizations on the territory of the RF. This paper also highlights the political aspect of the origin, shaping and transformation of the legal position of associations. The legal status of associations in Russia is always linked to the political situation in the country. Constitutional traditions of Tsarist and Soviet Russia were not conducive to bottom-up self-organization of society and only perestroika in the late 80s enabled unrestrained participation in public life. Currently in Russia, there are over 101 thousand registered social associations and undoubtedly it is a record number in the historical context. However, in order to maintain internal security against the growing threat of terrorism, as well as to the risk of the outbreak of the color revolution, in recent years Russia started to re-introduce significant restrictions on the freedom of association. The basic research method is the dogmatic analysis of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and selected federal laws. The issue discussed is rarely raised in Polish scientific publications. This paper constitutes an attempt to fill the gap in the subject literature aiming at contributing to the development of scientific knowledge in Polish-Russian comparative studies.

The legislative initiative of the Government as an instrument  of legislative planning in the Russian Federation

The analysis is focused on the issues of governmental legislative initiative as an instrument of legislation planning in the Russian Federation. The author makes a thesis that it is the Government who – due to its legal position and competencies – should be the authority developing legislative changes aimed at building effective state policies. And legislative forecasting, planning and programming of the Government of the Russian Federation should have the features of the state’s legislative forecasting and planning. The paper shows and explains how and in which period the planning and programming of Government legislation are implemented. It also describes conditions that must be met so they become effective.

Selected issues in international activities of the subjects  of the Russian Federation

The specificity of the federal state lies in the need for countries within it a significant degree of autonomy. It includes often – as is the case with the Russian Federation – competence in maintaining international relations by federal entities. Permissions in this field are distracted: partly regulate these federal laws, acts partly constituted by the executive in June of individual entities. This leads to considerable variation in both the categories of participants in various kinds of international relations, as well as the range of activities available to the analyzed competence.

Scope of the constitutional powers of the President of the Russian Federation

The aim of the article is to determine the scope of constitutional rights of the President of the Russian Federation and to bring issues related to the competences held by the head of the state in relation to the legislative, executive, and judiciary authorities, including the nation and those that are considered by the Constitution as so-called “other”. Another goal is to investigate whether all competences granted to the President are used as intended and whether there is a need to change the scope of the rights granted, and if so, whether they should be extended or narrowed. The content of the article answers questions related to the above issues and allows to draw conclusions that the President’s wide range of powers undoubtedly determines his superior position in relation to other authorities, and the number and rank of powers held by the head of the state go beyond the classical model of the semipresidential system.

W niniejszym artykule omówiono rosyjską narrację historyczną w rodzimym szkolnictwie. Poruszony temat polega na badaniu polityki historycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej i Związku Radzieckiego. Uwagę skupiono na zawartym w podręcznikach Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz Związku Radzieckiego opisie 17 września 1939 roku. Podstawą analizy stała się szeroko zakrojona kwerenda, w trakcie której zanalizowano teksty obowiązujących od 1954 roku podręczników szkolnych. Główne uzasadnienie podjętej tematyki stanowi cieszący się popularnością w polskiej publicystyce dyskurs nawiązujący do polityki historycznej Rosji. Zgodnie z założeniem artykułu historyczna wiedza przekazywana w szkołach Rosji cechuje się starannym pomijaniem wątków związanych z radziecką agresją na Polskę.

International identity consists mainly of geographical, demographic, historical, political, military, economic, ideological, cultural and psychological factors. After the collapse of the USSR, Russia returned to tradition, not only in the sphere of political, social and philosophical ideas and ideologies, but also in the sphere of culture and religion. In the 1990s, the geopolitics revived. It became the basis for the development of the concept of foreign policy, the National Security Strategy and the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation. The aim of the research is to analyze geopolitical perspectives in the identity of the Russian Federation and its impact on foreign policy concepts and sources of development of geopolitical concepts in Russia. The post-Soviet area is important for the security of the Russian Federation. Russia perceives armed conflicts in this area as an element of political ‘game’ in its strategic area.

Artykuł podejmuje tematykę związaną z pozycją Tatarów krymskich w geopolitycznej rywalizacji mocarstw o Półwysep Krymski. Region ten zamieszkiwany jest przez przedstawicieli różnych kultur, tradycji i narodowości, co ma swoje implikacje polityczne i społeczne. Celem artykułu jest analiza dziejów Tatarów krymskich na przestrzeni 100 lat - od tj. XX wieku do aneksji Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską w 2014 roku. Taki przedział czasowy pozwoli na przedstawienie analizy historycznej dziejów Tatarów krymskich w aspekcie społecznym, politycznym i ekonomicznym, w różnych formach państwowości od ZSRR po Ukrainę, a po aneksji Krymu - również Federację Rosyjską.

Russia’s Constitutional Reform of 2020

In 2020 took place the most serious constitutional reform in the Russian Federation. The amendments result in the strengthening of the President in the political system, enable V. Putin to maintain power until 2034 and introduce some other significant changes. The aim of the following paper is to present the circumstances of the reform, the contents of the amendments, and their overall summary. Particular attention was paid to the following issues: relations among main institutions of state power, the place of international law in the sources of Russia’s law and other amendments related to constitutional identity and axiology. The reform results in strengthening the position of the President, even though still within the semi-presidential model of the political system, the diminished role of the Parliament, local self-government and deprivation of the autonomy of the judiciary.

Artykuł jest poświęcony miejscu obszaru poradzieckiego w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej od rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego w 1991 do 2021 roku. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie znaczenia obszaru poradzieckiego w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej oraz celów i instrumentów tej polityki wobec obszaru poradzieckiego po rozpadzie ZSRR. W ciągu 30 lat po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego na obszarze poradzieckim miały miejsce procesy reintegracji i dezintegracji. Dochodziło do wielu konfliktów zbrojnych, stał się on także polem rywalizacji w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Federacja Rosyjska wykorzystuje wszelkie możliwe instrumenty oddziaływania, aby utrzymać kontrolę nad obszarem poradzieckim i nadal traktuje go jako wyłączną strefę wpływów Rosji i priorytetowy kierunek rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej.

W wyniku rozpadu bloku wschodniego wiele państw uzyskało niepodległość i suwerenność, w tym zdolność do prowadzenia samodzielnej polityki naukowej. Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy podział geograficzny uwzględniający państwa europejskie i azjatyckie różnicował poziom ich aktywności naukowej (z wyłączeniem Federacji Rosyjskiej). Wyniki przeprowadzonych analiz wskazują, że państwa europejskie mają istotnie wyższy udział wydatków na badania i rozwój oraz zatrudniają znacznie większą liczbę pracowników w sektorze R&D (ang. research and development) niż państwa azjatyckie. Jednocześnie autorzy afiliujący w państwach azjatyckich mają nieznacznie wyższy udział publikacji pisanych we współpracy z autorami o afiliacji z innych państw, co może wskazywać na przyjęcie strategii intensyfikacji międzynarodowej współpracy naukowej.

Language rights in the Russian Federation: commùne bònum or bonorum privata? Language v. Constitution

The article presents the approaches to protecting an individual’s linguistic rights that appear in the literature on the subject and then the method of its implementation in the Russian Federation’s legislation. The conducted research allowed us to identify two ways of qualifying an individual’s linguistic rights as human rights. The first is based on understanding them as one of the rights of national minorities, and the second as a category of personal rights. The approaches interpenetrate each other because the native language of an individual is, on the one hand, an expression of national identity and, on the other, a personal good through which he expresses himself. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the state not only does not guarantee language rights but even that they may be violated. The constitution-maker created the conditions for reconciling this category of rights against international obligations.

The 1993 Russian constitution has been amended many times. The largest amendment was carried out on March 14, 2020. However, this is not a revision of the Constitution. The amendment includes changes strengthening the constitutional position of the President of the Russian Federation, correcting the federal system and the legal status of the bicameral Parliament and the Government of the Russian Federation. A new constitutional body was introduced, the State Council of the Russian Federation, and, for the first time, a provision on faith in God was introduced. Russia’s right not to recognize rulings and decisions of international bodies contrary to the Russian Constitution and the right to support compatriots living abroad in the exercise of their rights to protect their interests were enshrined. The amendment to the Russian Constitution is of fundamental importance for the policy pursued and the implementation of Russia’s national security strategy.

Russian private military companies and their role in domestic and foreign policy

Russia’s use of private military companies has strengthened in recent years, reflecting lessons learned from past actions, an expansive mindset and a desire for economic, geopolitical and military benefits. Military operations in Ukraine, starting from 2014, were one of the first tests for PMC. Since then, the Russians have perfected their model of operation. Even though the activities of private contractors are illegal under the Russian Constitution, they play an important role in pursuing Russian interests, mainly abroad. They weaken US influence and support Russia’s geopolitical, military and economic interests. They are present in as many as 30 countries on four continents. The purpose of this article is to define the role of Russian private military companies in the internal and external policy of the Russian Federation.

Moscow and Kyiv vision of the interpretation of disputes about the past of the continuity of the historical roots of mutual statehood

Russian Federation’s attack of February 24, 2022 on Ukraine was no coincidence but a strategy to regain the status of superpower. Referring to history was its significant part. Indeed, that is a shared history, at least in the origin, though differently interpreted by both states, independent from 31 years. Based on the promoted from 16th Century vision of Russia as the Byzantine Empire’ successor, Putin’s Russian Federation claims the right to build an empire that would include all lands of the Russian Empire. It does not recognise independent statehood and Ukrainian nationality. The war was started to achieve that goal.

This article presents the results of research which set out to clarify the principles of the use of nuclear weapons and deterrence mechanisms in order to achieve dominance by the Russian Federation in the international security environment. Analysis and criticism of the literature, nonparticipatory observation and elements of case study were used to solve the research problems. The research process established that the Russian Federation will conduct campaigns to undermine the existing international security order using military means, including nuclear weapons. The nuclear component is an inherent element of the Russian Federation’s policy shaping the international security environment and at the same time is a key factor in the holistic concept of coercion. Strategic deterrence is a mechanism for achieving international dominance in peacetime, crisis situations, and war. Its purpose is to bring about concessions and coerce behavior consistent with the strategic interests of the Russian Federation. Nuclear weapons are the ultimate guarantee of the Russian Federation’s strategic dominance in the world. On the other hand, the constantly lowered threshold of its use leads to the degradation of the security environment and the violation of its stability.

Putin and His Version of “Remembrance Policy” Towards Russians

The Russian “remembrance policy” is an approach to instrumental treating history for creating new image of Russian patriotism after the collapse of the USSR. It has been initiated by Gorbachev, supplemented by Yeltsin, and specified by Putin. The latter has used history for actual politics. It has little to do with the historical truth but that is not important in his “remembrance policy”. Significant is a possibility of placing its elements the “information warfare” that aims to enhance the imperial position of contemporary Russia, also by using military force. A “remembrance policy” understood in this way has served for building strong Russian nationalism.

Consiclering legal aspects of non-disrimination clause in the Russian Federation, the Authors starts their assessment from an international law perspective (based on adopted acts). Despite the United Nations’ recomendation the Russian Federation has no act that regulates non-discrimination and anti-discrimination policy

Russian-Pakistani relations. Political, economic and military aspects

After the collapse of the Soviet Union into 15 independent states in December 1991, including the Russian Federation, there was a real opportunity to reset relations between Moscow and Islamabad. The Russian Federation did not take advantage of the new geopolitical situation to significantly improve mutual relations in the last decade of the twentieth century. However, in the first two decades of the twenty-first century, there was an intensification of political, economic and military relations between the two countries, which fluctuated. The author focused in the article on the premises that underline the improvement of mutual relations in these three areas. The premises that have inhibited and inhibit more intensive cooperation, especially in the political and economic fields, were also presented. In the end was formulated a few conclusions.