The Idea of Injustice of the Law and the Constitutional Obligation to Obey It

The obligation to comply with the law specified in Art. 83 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland is important not only in terms of dogma and law. It is also imminently related to such fundamental notions as the essence of law or recognition that unjust law isn’t law. Considering the above, the purpose of the paper is not only to compare the doctrinal concept of the wickedness of law with Art. 83 of the Constitution, but also to answer the question whether this concept can be applied to contemporary democratic states. The analysed framework can especially be meaningful in democracies that are undergoing the so-called reversed systemic transition as it can help protect them against taking quasi authoritarian or quasi totalitarian forms. The wicked law concept can therefore constitute one of the last, if not the last, level of protection for a democratic system, one of the new forms of implementation of the “defensive democracy”, and its use can be a moral and a legal obligation.

The article analyzes the specificity and distinctiveness of authoritarian regimes operating in a global network of complex and multidimensional international relations. The author of the article asks the question: to what extent the dynamically changing paradigm of authoritarian ideology is responsible for the occurrence of various types of tensions, rivalries, and antagonisms caused by authoritarian regimes, the effects and consequences of which affect not only national and regional political conditions but also cause severe international repercussions? The applied research method allows exposing the complex particularity of authoritarian regimes in the context of the multidimensional dynamics of recent geopolitical changes. It is crucial when a number of modern ideological trends often downplay the brutal nature of many authoritarian systems and even treat the “authoritarian model” – especially in the form of socialist autocracies – as a “specific historical phenomenon” trying to resolve many complex and multiple political and economic issues.

What kind of freedom? The dilemma of democracy

Since the ancient times there has been a continuing discourse on the nature and scope of freedom and civic and human right in the more or less liberal democracy. This paper contains a critical analysis and assessment of the most important opinions concerning the both political and economic freedom and the interpretations of that concept in the political practice. This article argues that, contrary to the beliefs of most people, freedom and human rights do not come from nature, but they are the result of the society’s consensus, especially that part of the society, which participates in the elections. The voters agree to allow the winning political party to realize its program also in the respect to freedom and civic (human) rights. On the other hand the politicians try to secure the appropriate equilibrium between the political and economic freedom, which supports the stabilization of a given political system and is conducive to the economic growth.

Efficiency and quality of democracy in comparative politics: definitive and conceptual options of analysis

The article is dedicated to analyzing the historiography and conceptualization of the phenomenon of efficiency and quality of democracy. The author of the research outlined the definitive and conceptual parameters of comparative analysis of efficiency and quality of democracy, argued that different political regimes are more or less democratic. The article highlights various approaches, theoretical and empirical features of studying efficiency and quality of democracy, represents the most systemic/holistic indicators and methods of operationalization of democracy quality and efficiency. On this basis, the author actualized a unified approach to the analysis and conceptualization of quality and efficiency of democracy and argued that quality and efficiency of democracy is expedient to be mentioned not in a holistic continuum of political regimes, but when a certain state is actually democratic. As a result, the research confirmed that democracy is a multi-piece category and is able to expand its efficiency and quality.

Remarks on the Shaping of the Ombudsman Institution in Poland and Mexico, 1990–2022

The ombudsman institution has become a barometer of implementing the rule of law, democracy and transparency system. Does the fact that the institution of the ombudsman was established in authoritarian countries influence its activities today? This question will be the subject of a comparative analysis of Poland and Mexico, in which there has been a democratic transformation in recent decades. In conclusion, it should be observed that despite the historical and political differences, we are dealing with a similar context and mechanism of functioning of the ombudsman institution. Both countries have an authoritarian past and both underwent a democratic transformation in the 1990s. and both struggle with contemporary forms of authoritarian forms of power.

Characteristics of an authoritarian unit (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality (Theodor Adorno), with hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Romeach) and common features for these theoretical constructs

This article addresses the subject of Erich Fromm, Theodor Adorno, Hans Eysenck and Milton Rokeache theory characterizing personality particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, personality that combat democracy. In its first part there is the characteristics of these personalities, specifically authoritarian units (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality, hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Rozeach). The second part of this article is trying to find common features for these theoretical constructs. Mostly, however, it is a criticism of erroneous (in my opinion) thinking when creating these theories. I noticed that the creators of the majority of them not only describe personality types particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, but above all they condemn them. In practice, this comes down to attacking the extreme right. However, attention should be paid to several important issues that negate this attitude. With authoritarianism, only the right can be identified. The division of the right/left is not very sharp. In turn, authoritarianism does not always mean a lack of humanitarianism, intolerance, and persecution. Most of the above theoretical constructs indicate, in my opinion, it is wrong that the political features of a person acquire under the influence of the environment, the environment. However, they are not somehow inherited, genetically conditioned. In addition, I think that only a certain, smaller part of society has specific political views. And only among them there is a group of people with authoritarian tendencies. This part of a society that has unspecified political views can be a business – related political option, even authoritarian, if this option provides its benefits. The assumption that the political actions of society result from the internal features of individuals is another point with which it is difficult to (me) agree. In fact, the effectiveness of the ruling team decides.

The European Union Media Freedom Act in the Context of Organizations’ Activities to Improve the Quality of Democracy

The European Union’s activity in the area of media, which has been undertaken for the past four decades, demonstrates a growing interest in the problems of the sector od media services, not only in economic terms but also in establishing regulations to strengthen their independence, pluralism and the quality of their contene. Axiological aspects, expressing the values on which the EU was built, are reflected in an important piece of legislation that was presented by the European Commission in September 2022. The European Media Freedom Act proves that issues of freedom and pluralism have become a sensitive area for the Union. The document highlights the dual nature of the media – economic players in the market and an important actor in the social areas, meant to create a sphere of civic society activities and a space for promoting the standards of liberal democracy: economic freedoms and individual liberties.

The Council of Europe plays a special role in promoting democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights. The events of recent years, and especially Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, have significantly changed the conditions for the implementation of the Council of Europe’s mission. The author analyzed, based on the resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 2473 (2022) “Strengthening the role of the Council of Europe as a cornestone of the European political architecture”, the activities of the Council of Europe aimed at seeking its role in the emerging new political architecture of Europe. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine may create conditions for a new look at the opportunities offered by the Council of Europe for European development and create a climate for intensifying forms of cooperation between European international organizations in the event of new threats to European development.

This article discusses the modern concept of civic education and its history, which dates back to ancient times. Civic education is perceived as the process of educating individuals about their rights and responsibilities as members of a society and preparing them to participate in the democratic process. One of the key objectives of civic education is to promote active citizenship and engagement in the democratic process. The article highlights the interdisciplinary nature of civic education and its connection to a well-constructed educational system, as well as detects the biggest challenges for the process. The purpose of the article is to introduce the importance and development of civic education and to analyze its state in Poland, noting the changes that have taken place over the course of the 21st century. To accomplish this objective, the author decided to compare various reports on both the state of democracy and education in Poland. Furthermore, the author sought to underscore the significance of the individuals responsible for educating society, as well as the methodologies employed in civic education, which significantly influence the formal civic education of young individuals. Such ideas were also presented in the recommendations.

Decisions and motives of young female teacher candidates to participate in the October 15, 2023 parliamentary elections

In this article we present the results of the author’s research, conducted immediately after the parliamentary elections of October 15, 2023. The purpose of the research was to identify the electoral activity of people who are studying preschool and early childhood education, and preparing for the teaching profession. We consider their activities as a priority in developing pro-social attitudes of their charges. The study used the method of diagnostic survey. For the analysis presented here, we used the part on the questions of participation of female respondents in elections and sociodemographic characteristics of the respondents. The survey was conducted among 265 female students aged 18 to 26 (the average age was 21.4), in the teaching faculty in all five years. The study notes significant differences in the election declarations of respondents, compared to the general population of Poles with active voting rights. For the most part, respondents have made a choice of different ideas represented by specific electoral committees than the electorate of their parents, or people from the local environment. The voter turnout and the choices of the respondents give hope for an appreciation of democratic values and the laying of the foundation for building a civil society.

Current Limitations and Possible Ways to Increase the Level of Representativeness of Elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland

The problem of distortion of the representativeness of elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland is widely noticed. Now, the vote of the inhabitants of one constituency may weigh less that in another. The aim of this paper is to present de lege ferenda postulates to increase the level of representativeness of Sejm elections. The authors carry out a legal analysis and a classical systemic analysis, pointing out the deficiencies of the current electoral system and proposing solutions. There are research questions: (1) Does the current electoral system ensure that elections to the Sejm are truly representative? (2) Is it possible to ensure that elections to the Sejm are truly representative? The conclusions of the analysis show that the problem under study appears to be increasingly serious for the democracy and civil society, but there are legal solutions that can increase the level of representativeness of Sejm elections.

Citizen assembly in the perspective of participants and attendees

The citizens’ assembly is a relatively new form of democracy, consisting of developing a thoughtful set of recommendations preceded by a detailed analysis of a given issue. The suggestions formulated are agreed upon by a representative group of residents and this process is preceded by an education phase that aims to provide participants with reliable knowledge regarding the subject of the panel. These characteristics make this co-decision mechanism increasingly popular, including in Poland. Citizens’ assemblies have been implemented in most major Polish cities. However, there is no doubt that for organizers, as well as for participants and urban communities, this is something new. Therefore, it seems important to conduct in-depth research on the implementation of panels in Polish conditions. In this context, the aim of the article is to present the results of a study on the II Łódź Citizens’ Assembly. The obtained results show that the citizens’ assembly is positively evaluated by those participating in it. Participants of the Łódź panel particularly emphasized its educational and social merits, while somewhat less so the political aspect, that is the opportunity to influence the city, which is the primary function of the panel.

Why can’t it be done differently? Limited voter representation in provincial assemblies (sejmiki) in the period of 2014–2024

The problem of distorting the representativeness of elections to provincial assemblies in Poland is widely noted. The local government elections in 2024 confirm the indicated state of affairs. In many situations, the natural electoral threshold significantly exceeds the statutory threshold, and large groups of citizens do not have their representation in the sejmiks, while the largest groupings are overrepresented. The authors of this article set out to compare the number of voters without representation in provincial assemblies after the introduction of the Electoral Code, i.e. in the 2014, 2018 and 2024 local elections, despite having voted for groupings that exceeded the statutory electoral threshold. The authors, using institutional-legal analysis and classical systemic analysis, also propose a simple way to solve the pointed out significant problem for the representativeness of the elections, which is the abandonment of the division of provinces into smaller electoral districts.

The aim of this study was to develop a Political Elite Perception (PEP) Questionnaire with an exploratory mixed research design and to determine university students’ perceptions of university of political elites. At the qualitative stage of the study, a qualitative questionnaire was applied among university students (n = 160). The analysis of the qualitative data revealed that university students’ perceptions of political elites were grouped in seven main categories (intellectual capacity, political values, democratic attitude, personal traits, talents, power/influence, and interaction with the public/public benefits), and the questionnaire items were determined based on these categories. At the quantitative stage of the research, statistical analyses were conducted on the questionnaire that was applied to 383 university students. The study findings demonstrated that, according to the university students, the personal traits of political elites included charisma, courage, and self-confidence, but they also emphasized that political elites were intellectually inadequate, impartial, uncriticizable, unempathetic and non-compromising, and described the political elites as non-democratic.