Peace is non–violence and there is only one way to achieve it: peace as structural and interpersonal non–violence. The daily non–violence is as instructive as the spectacular actions of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King. Peace education is better based on demonstration what we “can” than to postulate of what we should do. The Peace Studies prefer a resource–oriented approach to education instead of a deficit–oriented. Our central thesis is that the youth is living in a kind of transculturality, the best conditions for peacebuilding. Considering the increasing sensitivity we expected that latest in 2075 we will make the war a taboo. The central key to solve conflicts nonviolently is conflict transformation in trusting a spiritual third power in between the opponents, even secularized people. The peace education has to help us to discover the third in nonviolent activities. There is a lot of difficult issues that the non–violence has to reflect in future, including elimination of the extreme violence, reconciliation, an impact of economy, the peacebuilding’s relevance of structural measures. 

The Armed Conflict in Ukraine and its Representation in Contemporary Ukrainian Literature. Margaryta Surzhenko’s АТО. Історії зі Сходу на Захід.

The essay examines Margaryta Surzhenko’s novel АТО. Історії зі Сходу на Захід (2015). In the context of the ongoing fighting in the Donbass area, this type of narrative brings reflection to the national identity of the inhabitants of Eastern Ukraine and their escape from the war zone. The author focuses not only on the migration but also on the information space (pro-Russian) under the influence of which the inhabitants of Donbass lived their whole lives. Ordinary people suddenly found themselves in the center of a dangerous armed conflict. Such a course of the situation needs to be analyzed in the context of the long-term coexistence of Russians and Ukrainians, as well as the influence of power in those areas. Changing the balance of power in the region affected ordinary residents, often forcing them to escape.

The paper Politics of Russia and security of Eastern Europe after 1991 examines the impact of policy on Russia after 1991, the safety of Eastern Europe. The author focused on activities of Russia to Ukraine and the Caucasus at the beginning of the 21st century. In that time is the activation of Western policy in the region. NATO turns out logistical support of the region’s States in the reconstruction and modernization of the armed forces. Russia’s response to the aggressive military action, the effect of which was the war with Georgia in 2008 and annexation of Crimea in 2014. It takes place now hybrid warfare with the Alliance and consolidated at the same countries such as Ukraine. The escalation of the aggressive actions of Russia threatens regional and delay the integration of Eastern European States with the European Union.

Artykuł ma na celu ukazanie przyczyn konfliktu na Ukrainie w odniesieniu do struktur zachodnich – Unii Europejskiej oraz NATO i ich reakcji na wydarzenia, jakie miały i mają miejsce w tym kraju, a także oczekiwań społeczności międzynarodowej i samej Ukrainy względem tych graczy. Artykuł uwypukla także specyficzne cechy konfliktu, które wskazują na jego hybrydowy charakter, wyjaśniając jednocześnie przyczyny i możliwe skutki.

The article deals with the consequences of a political agreement between King Ferdinand I and a part of the Bohemian opposition nobility, concluded in 1547 in order to restore stability following the Schmalkaldic War (1546–1547). The change in the tax system put Bohemian royal cities and owners of large estates at a considerable disadvantage while profits from manor farming and financial services remained virtually untaxed. This tax structure, applied for several decades, resulted in a rapid increase of debts and the ultimate collapse of the entire tax system in 1615. The resulting financial crisis was resolved by the Bohemian Landtag in 1615 by declaring bankruptcy of the treasury and taking over tax collection.

Asymmetry of warfare, or more often asymmetric warfare, is an issue often referred to in descriptions of contemporary political and military relations affecting the state. It is even presented as an entity threatened by these hostilities. Meanwhile, these acts are a form of an armed conflict in which opposing sides have different military potentials. One of the potentials is the power of the state. We must wonder then how the state uses it. Is it not an entity who uses it in a way disproportionate to the situation of conflict? The paper argues that a contemporary state is not without sin and it is not just that it is not able to protect its interests from asymmetric threats. Warfare still is, which many forget, the basis for hostilities (war). In the author’s understanding (erroneous perhaps?) asymmetry does not only occur at the level of war, but it also happens in its key dimension – warfare. It has emerged not only through the change in the status of the fighting party, but also through the time of warfare and using the warfare terrain.

Mental health is defined as a state of well-being in which every individual realizes his/her own potential, can cope with the normal stress of life, can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to his/her community (World Health Organization, 2004). War and disasters have the greatest impact on mental health and psychosocial well-being. A considerable number of child refugees enter Europe to seek refuge from ongoing conflict and war in their home countries. Refugee children are at greater risk of psychological distress than non-refugee children and they may develop symptoms such as depression, PTSD, anxiety, physical problems or become aggressive. Trauma can impact the children’s physical well-being, cognitive development and psychological/emotional well-being and behavior. Therefore, these children are identified as having unique; however, urgent mental health needs requiring timely interventions. According to these findings, in this article the author is trying to explain the mental health problems and interventions among two refugee children (brother and sister) who stayed in the Transit Centre “Vinojug” in Gevgelija, Republic of Macedonia, two years ago. They had significant psychological disturbances such as depression and post-traumatic stress disorder, because they lost their home and their father. They have been here only with their pregnant mother. At the beginning they needed individual psychiatric or psychological support, but later also group psycho-social support. Verbal, art and game-based interventions proved effective in reducing the PTSD symptoms and depression. After that, the children showed positive emotions such as gratitude, hope, happiness, and optimism. At the same time they started to attend the local school and the first words in Macedonian language were: “Hello, how are you?” They have already learned the Macedonian language and counted in Macedonian; they knew how to ask for water and learned the basic terms. Hence, when they left the Transit Center with their mother, they were very sad: “Here we have many new friends who help and love us”. Our study provides a strong evidence base regarding the use of verbal and clinical interventions for PTSD and emotional and behavioral difficulties, respectively. Also, the main goal of the psychological workshop is stimulation of the copy strategies, resilience and psychosocial development through structured playful activities such as voice, movement, painting, drawing, song, sound.

The turbulent changes in the Middle East which were seen at the very beginning as good news for Israel, at the end of the day became more ambiguous. The Arab Spring and then the war in Syria that had erupted along with massive social protests ended up with regime changes, but what was crucial, the primary success of the Arab awakening was captured by Islamist movements. The changes in the Middle East were even deeper due to at least two factors – Russia „coming into” and the United States „going out” of the region. These new regional circumstances combined with the geopolitical shift in the Middle East and a crumbling American supervision made Israel conclude that its security has become more complex and the U.S has no more been the only significant great power player in the region. Hence the difficult political and military situation around Israel has created a need to adapt to security challenges and simultaneously, to take political opportunities. The goal of this paper is to highlight basic ramifications for Israeli security and diplomacy of the American and Russian factors in the current Middle East politics. The key questions are: How to secure Israeli interests in these new circumstances? How to assess, on the one hand, the risk of the ongoing decline of American interests in the region and, on the other hand, the complexity of the Russian strategy in the Middle East? Finally, whether Israel might be able to gain recognition by the Arab world, not to mention to keep its strategic domination in the region which is already being challenged by the Islamic Republic of Iran and its nuclear ambitions.

Critical analysis of post-Cold War China-India relations in the perspective of structural realism

Our article is an attempt to answer the question of whether it is possible for two neighbouring countries, which aspire at the same time to the role of superpowers, to cooperate and have peaceful relations with each other. In order to answer this question, we intend to prove the thesis that the state of China-India relations, despite the appearance of good neighbourly relations, is defined by growing security problems. In order to do this, we intend to conduct a system-level analysis based on the current of structural realism in international relations using historical and comparative methods. The aim of this article is to critically analyze China-Indian relations in the post-Cold War period. At the same time, we intend to show that the thriving diplomatic relations between New Delhi and Pakistan are in fact a façade concealing poorly functioning economic relations and, above all, a number of security problems. The first chapter is a brief description of the theoretical framework of the article in the form of a realistic current in international relations and security research and an explanation of the applied concepts of power balance, security dilemma and bandwagoning. The second and third chapters are a brief description and analysis of political and economic relations after the Cold War. In chapter four, we identify the leading security issues in India-China relations. In summary, we try to answer the research question and confirm the thesis.

Threats to the safety of children in the conflict zone in eastern Ukraine

Publications on the conflict in eastern Ukraine rarely describe the situation of children living in the combat zone. More attention is paid to the political, economic and military aspects of this confrontation. The author has set himself two goals. The first one is to check how the war affects the biological and mental aspects of children’s lives. The second is an attempt to answer the question whether there is a possibility of improving the situation of minors. The paper on the problematic system is divided into three parts. The first part draws attention to the following problems: difficulties with access to medical care, increased incidence of infectious diseases, growing drug addiction, drinking water pollution, as well as the threat of unexploded ordnance. The second part describes: threats to mental health of children, socialization problems (pre-school and school education, family crisis, shaping of national identity), as well as participation of child soldiers in the conflict in Donbass. The last section of the article contains conclusions. The considerations were prepared on the basis of carefully verified materials in English, Ukrainian and Polish. Many publications were downloaded from the websites of international organizations, analytical centers and scientific institutions.

Azerbaijani Support for the Chechen People on the Example of the First and Second Chechen War

In this article, the autor shows the level of Azerbaijan’s support for Chechnya and Chechens during the first and second Chechen wars. The author analyzed the body of literature and the body of literature sources, which provided the answer that Azerbaijan’s support for Chechnya and Chechens in the 1990’s was very varied and did not last for long.

THE POET IN HIS TENT: THE INFLUENCES OF GIUSEPPE UNGARETTI AND VITTORIO SERENI ON NELO RISI’S EARLY WORKS

L’Esperienza (Experience, 1948) can truly be considered the first stage of Nelo Risi’s (b. 1920) poetic career. However, this early work of his was poorly received when it first came out. Some poems of this collection were included in two later editions of a book by the title Polso Teso (Strained Wrist), in the section entitled Le Vacche Magre (Lean Cows). this editorial decision marked the author’s willingness to use his first real poetic work as the starting point of his solid and personally chosen literary journey. However, as a detailed analysis of L’Esperienza reveals, the lyrical onset of the author is still heavily influenced by the literary tradition. As a result, the first section of the book, La Tenda (The Tent), comprises elements borrowed from Giuseppe Ungaretti’s Il Porto Sepolto (The Buried Harbour) and Vittorio Sereni’s Diario d’Algeria (Algerian Diary). All of this is in stark contrast with the author’s actual aim, which is to distance himself from literature in order to embrace reality. In particular, the common topos of ‘tent’, which is a narrow and precarious space, becomes the sign of the poet’s permanent condition of imprisonment and also exile after the war. therefore, homecoming is a problematic occurrence because it is very difficult for the poet to return, to come back to himself and thus regain his primary identity.

The security of the II Republic – assessments 1 September 1939 – „unexpected” war with the III Reich and the „surprise” of the 17 September aggression by the Soviet Union

The Wehrmacht (German armed forces) attacked Poland without declaration of war on 1 September 1939, on the orders of the leader of the III Reich. Then, on 17 September, the Red Army forced the borders of the Polish II Republic. The title of the article reflects what Polish historiography will forever struggle with – whether the aggression by its western neighbour was “unexpected” and whether we can consider the invasion from its eastern neighbour a “surprise”. Above all, the question is whether the military (General Staff; military intelligence) and political leadership (Foreign Ministry) of the state foresaw beforehand the possibility of rift in Polish-German relations and the renewal of a German-Soviet alliance/pact (cooperation), which in consequence brought about undeclared war with Poland’s eastern neighbour. The presented article is in sections and presented in chronological order.

Celem artykułu jest analiza pojęcia wojny i jej związków z ekonomią w filozofii społecznej J.G. Fichtego, w oparciu o „Zamknięte państwo handlowe”. W pierwszej części naszkicowany zostaje model autarkicznego i racjonalnego państwa, który posiada pewne podobieństwa z projektem politycznym Grakchusa Babeufa. W tym kontekście poglądy polityczne Fichtego zostają określone mianem „socjalizmu republikańskiego” w kontraście do liberalnej doktryny Immanuela Kanta. W drugiej części zbadane zostają ekonomiczne i geopolityczne przyczyny wojny. Filozof przede wszystkim krytykuje rodzący się globalny rynek kapitalistyczny. Podsumowując, dla Fichtego idea zamkniętego państwa ma gwarantować pokój tak wewnętrzny, jak zewnętrzny. Jednak filozof będący admiratorem rewolucji francuskiej, dopuszcza sytuacje, gdy wojny są etycznie usprawiedliwione.

Wojna jako ekstremalne zjawisko o naturze społecznej przez stulecia charakteryzowała się swoistą hermetycznością wobec niemilitarnych domen rzeczywistości. Zarówno w wymiarze etycznym, politycznym, prawnym, obyczajowości, a nawet języka, wojskowość i wojskowi tworzyli ekskluzywną (sub)kulturę. Wpisywały się te procesy w „triadę” Carla von Clauzewitza, który właśnie „armię” wskazywał jako wyodrębniony filar wojny. Pozostając elementem struktury państw, armie pogłębiały swoją specyfikę kulturową i pewną odrębność. Jak wskazuje część badaczy, niejednokrotnie to właściwa organizacja wojskowości w państwie i działania na rzecz wzmocnienia jego potencjału wojennego narzucały szereg rozwiązań ustrojowych, prawnych i finansowych, stając się agregatem ewolucji systemów politycznych. W pierwszej połowie XX wieku doszło do głębokich przewartościowań w dziedzinie relacji między sferą militarną i państwową, które po 1945 roku doprowadziły do przesunięcia „punktu ciężkości” wojny w stronę bieguna społecznego. Konsekwencją była dość szczególna „demokratyzacja” wojskowości i postępujące rozszczelnienie dotychczasowych granic. Towarzyszyły temu procesy zmiany w postrzeganiu i prowadzeniu wojny. Celem stawały się w coraz większym stopniu społeczeństwa, a wobec totalizacji wojny – tradycyjny podział na domeny cywilną i wojskową uległ ostatecznemu zatarciu. Współczesna wojna zatem obliczona jest przede wszystkim na niszczenie społeczeństw, ich fundamentów oraz podstaw trwania i rozwoju. Na znaczeniu zyskują niekinetyczne i hybrydowe metody działań koercyjnych i przyporządkowane im środki. Pogłębieniu tych tendencji sprzyja rozwój kolejnego „teatru działań wojennych” – domeny psychologiczno-informacyjnej.

Strategic ambiguity, or the deliberate policy of uncertainty as to whether the United States would use force to defend Taiwan against an invasion by the People's Republic of China, has been the centrepiece of US policy towards the Taiwan issue for decades. This paper discusses the factors driving the redefinition of strategic ambiguity and its recalibration throughout Donald Trump's presidency (2017–2021). The fundamental driver of this change was to balance the rising power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The paper applied offensive realism as a theoretical framework for its analysis. Under President Donald Trump, Washington modified its policy of strategic ambiguity, explicitly framing relations with Taiwan within a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. While the US retained key elements of strategic ambiguity, including the 'One China' policy, it added new features to deploy it offensively against Beijing's growing regional hegemony. The increased dynamism and unpredictability of relations with Taiwan were matched by a welcoming attitude towards strengthening Taiwanese identity and highlighting the systemic differences between communist China and democratic Taiwan. America stepped up arms sales and encouraged Taiwan to build its self-defence capabilities. Washington engaged in countering Chinese attempts to isolate Taiwan internationally and included it in restructuring global supply chains. Although the United States has not formally revised the boundaries of the 'One China' policy, the modification of strategic ambiguity increased Taiwan's prominence in US-China power competition and pushed back the prospect of peaceful unification.

In the domain of interpersonal relations empathy has been widely regarded as a valuable tool for peacebuilding. Past research has shown that if enough empathy is extended to a victim of violence, insight into the victim’s plight tends to give pause to the aggressor and also prompt bystanders to help. While the victim is the sole recipient of empathy in an interpersonal conflict, elevating the concept of empathy from an individual level analysis to a group level analysis encounters further complications. In intergroup conflicts, both parties in the conflict stand to receive empathy. In light of this, one theoretical question is whether both kinds of empathy, those directed to the ingroup members and the outgroup members, have similar utilities in peacebuilding. We reference the literature on intergroup contact and intergroup threats, to scrutinize the role of empathy in intergroup conflicts. We argue that ingroup and outgroup empathy have the opposite effects on group violence – directing empathy to the outgroup results in the denouncement of aggression, whereas directing empathy to the ingroup may lead to a desire to counterattack. Thus, rather than boosting the overall amplitude of empathy, striking the right balance is the key of leveraging empathy towards peace.

The article discusses how local engagement can contribute to preventing or ceasing ongoing conflicts. By the comparative analysis of three case studies – Somaliland, the Idjwi island in eastern Congo and Colombia, the author examines what methods do the local inhabitants use in order to successfully maintain peace and build a coherent society. The research on a bottom-up approach may supplement the strategies implemented by the international organisations of peace-building or peace-keeping missions, which usually neglect the engagement of local society and thus do not ensure sustainable peace.

Drone War as the Permanent State of Emergency

In 2001 began the so-called war on terror which gave rise to numerous and so far unknown strategies and technologies. One of the most important of them are military drones. Initially used for reconnaissance and looking for targets, they quickly became deadly weapons that change the course of war. Death in military conflicts, once inflicted directly by humans, today is inflicted indirectly by advanced technologies. Automated, mathematical algorithms make decisions whether an individual should live or be eliminated in the name of public security. In this article I prove that inflicting death through military drones is not just another war tactic but a new paradigm which may lead to the transformation of legal and political regime of Western countries. I analyze this paradigm in the light of Carl Schmitt’s category of the “state of exception”. I characterize the new methods of controlling law and governing population by Giorgio Agamben’s concept of “inclusive exclusion”.

Museum as a Medium of Collective Memory. The Case of Sarajevo

This article explores the relationships between memory politics and museums. It shows the institutionalisation of the past, which supports both the creation of historical narratives and the visibility of national identity. Analysing the Sarajevo museums dedicated to the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author shows how contemporary institutions have become carriers of collective memory and incubators of the national identity of Bosnian Muslims.