The aim of the article is to present the psychological roots of fundamentalism, which can be found in each type of the phenomenon, and also an attempt to show fundamentalism, as the configuration of certain personality traits. As the basis for such an interpretation of fundamentalism, serve the psychological approach, which relate to the personality, cognitive style, refer to the prejudices, as well as to the concept of authoritarian personality and its constitutive characteristics. Article raised the question of so–called “fundamentalist personality” on the basis of diversity of manifestations of this phenomenon and its correlation with the concepts of authoritarianism and dogmatism. Author also addresses psychological category of attitude, which is the starting point in the discussion of the phenomena, such as fundamentalism or nationalism. In the background of considerations is an attempt to organize knowledge on fundamentalism, taking into account the historical roots of the phenomenon, and also, as a complementary reflection, a legitimacy of identifying fundamentalism with terrorism. 

Andrzej Wierciński (1930–2003) wrote that the period Enlightenment (he did not use the term, however) saw the separation of philosophy and religion as a consequence of the development of empirical sciences, mathematics and logic: The rationalised philosophical world-model was advanced to the rank of an ICS [Ideological Control Subsystem]. Its institutional carriers were bourgeois groups and political parties which caused the first breakdown in the feudal system during the French and American Revolution. Mechanicism was therefore to replace animism as a principal generator of the world-view. Wierciński’s approach does not contradict the perspective generally accepted by historians. Probably never before had the fight against revealed religions, including Roman Catholicism, been so intense. The best example is the attitude of Enlightenment authors towards Catholicism and church institutions.

Joseph Ratzinger, chosen for the See of Peter 19 April 2005, after three years of papal ministry, may be, in my opinion, considered a worthy continuator of John Paul’s II mission, the latter described as the Human Rights Pope due to his activities in the field. The main goal of this essay is to analyze Benedict XVI’s most characteristic practices and texts, which directly refer to the issue of human rights, especially in the context of respect for and protection of human rights. The next aim is to show the contexts in which John Paul II’s great friend invokes or refers to the legacy of his eminent predecessor and to demonstrate the differences between John Paul II and Benedict XVI’s perception of the significance of human rights in the lives of contemporary societies.

Introductorily, it should be observed that the discussed problem’s significance is increasingly pressing as our interest drifts towards societies dominated by great, universalizing religions Islam being only one of them. From the above, a question arises of whether the notions of religion and democracy, as mentioned in the title, are reconcilable within a single order in the first place. In his deliberations, Bohdan Chwedeńczyk inclines to the view that three types of relations may be distinguished in this respect: religion favours democracy; is indifferent to democracy; or is harmful to democracy. The discussion of the above opinion has, respectively, developed threefold. In one point of view, religion is by nature contradictory to the democratic order, it is in a sense its direct opposite. In other words, we face a choice of opting either for religion or democracy. Supporters of an alternative viewpoint claim that in the long run, a democratic system is not viable without the basis of notions such as religion, and therefore religion does play a vital part in the social order. It serves members of the public by satisfying those of their needs that do not belong to the scope of duties performed by the state and its institutions. Finally, the third approach basically acknowledges the fact that no definitive claims can be made as to the possibility of agreement between religion and democracy. I must admit that the latter is closest to my personal stance in this respect. Naturally, through careful selection of examples, arguments to support the first or the second of the mentioned opinions can be easily produced. There have been numerous examples of academic and journalistic articles advocating one of the clear-cut standpoints, which seem not to leave much room for discussion. However, the issue becomes far more multifarious when taking into account the complexity of religious and political issues analysed in both theoretical and practical perspective.

The following article will attempt to present characteristics of religious fundamentalism. The task requires addressing terminological and methodological issues, which seem to constitute the weakest link in the overall research of the phenomenon. Even a cursory analysis of the available data points to the fact, that comparative studies are in minority, while an overwhelming majority of all research focuses on particular instances of fundamentalism, most commonly within one speci€c religion. ree preliminary observations can be made. Firstly, usually the case is that of either methodological maximalism or minimalism. The work edited by Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby Fundamentalisms Observed, signi€cant as it was, can serve as a valid example of maximalist approach. The phenomenon discussed therein is viewed in the broad perspective, thus it becomes almost synonymous to traditionalism, nationalism, orthodoxy or communalism.

Vertep.

Vertep is a part of the group of religious representations belonging equally to the church rituals as well as to the follklore customs. It was born with the other mystery plays together having their origins in the iconographic Gospel representations such as ”Christ cribs” in Byzantium and subsequently the performances of the Birth of the Infant such as the famous performance act prepared by saint Francisque from Asis in 1223. Later, the local puppet presentation of ”Nahvity" had developed. They were ”Navidad” and ”Nahvite'” in the western Europe and their counterparts in the middle Europe. Their common origin were the church utensils such as tabernacle or the small cabinet altar called retablo. These presentations in the middle Europe were called ”crib” or ”szopka” while in eastern Europe ”vertep”. The ”Nativity” included the shepherds' homage, the Three Kings) homage as well as the massacre of lnnocents and Herod's punishment. Later on the new secular motifs and characters appeared, representing problems of the folk life. At the time of modernism, real artists showed interest in „Nativity" giving it a new artistic interpretation. Vertep as a variety of ”Nativity” has its own properties and seems to be an independent product of the Ukrainian culture.

Just numbers. Notes about the Nature of a Digital World

Only digits really exist in the digital world as only matter exists in a material world. In the first one, all physical things are pure abstraction, similarly as all numbers in the second one. Digits are the only substance of the digital worlds. This hi-tech Pythagoreanism leads to a very serious consequences, not only for philosophy, but also for practice. Various concepts and rules, evident here, in the digital world may not work at all, or work improperly, and guide us to absurds when used mindlessly.

Poniższy artykuł stanowi refleksję nad zastosowaniem teoretycznej kategorii symboli politycznych w ujęciu Erica Voegelina do badań politologicznych oraz praktycznych problemów współczesnego prawa i polityki. Oryginalny wkład badawczy tego tekstu stanowi przy tym prześledzenie rozwoju koncepcji symboli politycznych u Voegelina i skupienie się na wczesnych, rzadko opisywanych tekstach tegoż autora. Konkluzją jest obserwacja, iż voegelinowska kategoria symboli politycznych to narzędzie znacznie powiększające nasze możliwości poznawcze i otwierające nowe pola dialogu społecznego. Kategoria ta przezwycięża bowiem nieprzystający już w pełni do współczesnej polityki podział na religie i ideologie, a równocześnie unika problemów charakterystycznych dla myśli politycznej Carla Schmitta i pozwala na bardziej szczegółową analizę niż upraszczające huntingtonowskie pojęcie cywilizacji.

The article aims at identifying key elements of Russia’s strategic culture and drivers for its change. It starts with a short theoretical overview of the strategic culture concept and different approaches within various theoretical frameworks (liberal, constructive, and post-modern). It focuses on most important determinants of Russian strategic culture, namely history, ideology, geopolitics, systemic issues, and religion. It examines the extent to which Russian policy reflects these determinants.

MUSLIMS IN FRANCE IN TERMS OF RELIGIOUS AND ORGANIZATIONAL BACKGROUNDS

At the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first century, the problem of the Muslim minority in Europe became a significant problem in religious, social and political terms. In this publication, we present the characteristics of the presence of Muslims in France only in terms of religious and organizational backgrounds. By analyzing the first aspect, the importance of Islam as the second religion in terms of the number of believers in France is shown. The second aspect describes the characteristics of some important Muslim organizations in France.

Amidst the many topics important for the shaping of character of adolescents in Original Stories, Mary Wollstonecraft places such important issues as our attitude towards animals. She wants to convince the readers that not only should we not hurt animals but also offer them our aid. The education that sensitises us to the fate of animals is an important element of moral education. Being kind for the beings of other species is what makes us better, more compassionate. And reversely being cruel towards animals turns us into brutes capable of hurting also people. Tormenting animals is moreover inconsistent with God’s will and leads to the infliction of completely unnecessary and senseless suffering. Which is why it deserves severe condemnation.

Artykuł zawiera teoretyczną analizę procesu socjalizacji, zanurzonego w przekonaniach religijnych, wprowadzającą do przedstawienia wyników badań empirycznych, pochodzących z niewielkiego, pilotażowego studium przypadku studentów Akademii Pedagogiki Specjalnej im. M. Grzegorzewskiej w Warszawie. W badaniu uczestniczyło ponad 250 studentów w grupach 20–30-osobowych na Wydziale Nauk Pedagogicznych, w latach 2014–2016. Studentów poproszono o przygotowanie krótkiej anonimowej notatki zawierającej opis, jak wyobrażają sobie Boga. Studenci mieli również naszkicować „mapę świata”. Powtarzające się odpowiedzi pozwoliły na wyprowadzenie wniosków o dominującym postrzeganiu Boga oraz geograficznej perspektywie eurocentrycznej badanych. Na tej podstawie wyprowadzono wstępne wnioski o procesie socjalizacji, przebiegającej w określonym kontekście religijnym, zastanawiając się, jak kontekst ten oddziałuje na osobiste poglądy o świecie.

Tematem artykułu są prawa człowieka w perspektywie Europejskiej Nowej Prawicy (ENP). Alain de Benoist (główny ideolog) uważa, że prawa człowieka stały się religią obywatelską Zachodu, która zastąpiła chrześcijaństwo w zlaicyzowanej przestrzeni publicznej, stając się głównym, ideologicznych punktem odniesienia Zachodu. Artykuł omawia chrześcijańską genezę praw człowieka i krytykę praw człowieka z punktu widzenia ENP. A. de Benoist argumentuje, iż prawa człowieka są de facto bronią ideologiczną Zachodu, służącą do symbolicznego zdominowania niezachodnich państw.

Celem artykułu jest prezentacja specyfiki czeskiego Kościoła i religijności Czechów. Autorka inspiruje się pracami głównie czeskich badaczy (Petr Fiala, Dana Hamplová, Tomáš Halík, Pavel Hošek, Jan Jandourek, Max Kašparů, Dušan Lužný, David Václavík, Michal Martinek, Zdeněk R. Nešpor, Pavel Říčan, Ivo O. Štampach, O. Štěch, David Václavík) i rozwija zawarte w nich myśli. Zajmuje się stereotypem Czecha, charakterystyką czeskiego wierzącego, czeskiego duchownego oraz czeskiego Kościoła, znajdując źródła wskazanych odmienności w wydarzeniach historycznych i ich interpretacji. W zakończeniu artykułu przedstawiono wnioski i przybliżono odbiorcy „obraz czeskiego Boga”.

Confessional Secrecy in Criminal, Civil and Administrative Cases as a Condition for the Implementation of the Constitutional Right to Freedom of Conscience and Religion

The text is devoted to the issue of protection of the secret of confession provided on the basis of criminal trial, civil and administration process. This secret is the immanent element of the rites of persons exercising their freedom of conscience and religion under Art. 53 sec. 1 of the Constitution. Freedom of conscience and religion is one of the most important. The differences in the approach to clergy witnesses and possible solutions for the unification of mechanisms governing their interrogation were presented.

Religion is perceived by several scholars as a source of conflict, violence, destruction and cruelty, despite all of these, a lot of people still believe in religion, they regard religion as source of peace, harmony, compassion, love and tolerance. So far as role of Islam in peace building and conflict resolution are concerned, Islam is no different from other religions, it also advocates same virtues as other religions do. But academic discourse on the subject largely identifies Islam with violence and conflict. This study is humble effort to illuminate those social capital that Islam has for establishing peace and resolving conflict, in the same time, this paper also examines Islamic approach toward peace building and conflict resolution by contextualizing Islamic texts as major source on the subject.

The present article provides an original typology of Polish parliamentary parties according to the religious criterion, i.e., the attitude towards the Catholic Church and its postulates (prohibition of abortion, legalising IVF and civil partnerships). The analysis covers the parties which have had at least 10 seats in the Sejm since 2001. First, the parties were classified according to the program criterion (membership in party families), then their views in the axiological sphere were analysed, and finally, the party typology was determined. The following types of parties were distinguished: quasi-religious, referring only to Christian values, axiologically moderate, secular.

Religious diplomacy of the Republic of Türkiye

The aim of this article is to analyse the religious dimension of Turkey’s foreign policy in the era of Justice and Development Party rule and the forms of its implementation. The article argues that the Republic of Turkey, in the era of AKP rule, is becoming one of the main state actors in international relations, which is beginning to use religion as an instrument of soft power in its foreign policy. At the same time, using “religious diplomacy” as a formal tool to strengthen the state’s image in the international arena. „Religious diplomacy” is the primary tool of Turkish soft power to strengthen the country’s international position after the Cold War. It aims to promote the Turkish model of Islam as a moderate type of Islam that can coexist with modernity and multiculturalism. It also promotes Turkish language and culture alongside religious curricula by linking Sunni Islam and Turkish nationalism.