Disinformation and propaganda in the terms  of the threats posed to the state security

The paper presents the role played by disinformation and propaganda in shaping state security. Common understanding of the terms is characterized by value judgment and differs from the one included in the subject matter literature. Both disinformation and propaganda are not newly implemented activities but they accompany the society from its beginning. Their usefulness during war has been proved by numerous historical examples. Development of disinformation and propaganda is connected with development of mass communication technology. Special meaning of the mentioned communication activities was confirmed during development of crisis situation in Ukraine in 2014. There are potential threats posed to Republic of Poland as a result of Polish involvement in democratization of Central and Eastern Europe. They include, inter alia, disinformation and propaganda. The way of eliminating the effects of disinformation and propaganda is understanding their mechanisms.

The aim of the paper is to present strategies for minimising negative effects of the crisis caused by COVID-19 by state authorities of non-European countries in the first months after the announcement of the pandemic. The focus is on employment and labour market policy instruments. The research is comparative in its nature and was conducted using the desk research and discourse analysis methods. The source/unit in the analysis were the rapid assessments of the employment impacts of COVID-19 submitted to the International Labour Organisation. The study did not cover European Union Member States. Among the instruments and countermeasures typical of employment and labour market policies, few innovative solutions were identified, tailored to local specifics and taking into account the effects of the pandemic – the ecological crisis and the emergence of technological unemployment. The results achieved implicate a number of further questions relevant for public policy research. Research shows that COVID-19 contributes to deepening of the polarisation of society and existing labour market policy instruments in countries will not be sufficient to stop social exclusion due to unemployment especially in countries with a predominantly informal economy. Meanwhile, a category of people has emerged, due to the suspension of business activities and internal migration, whose status is also “suspended” (liminal) between work and unemployment.

Pandemia COVID-19 jest czynnikiem, który może w znaczącym stopniu zmienić sytuację na rynku pracy w Polsce. Obecnie – choć poza sporem pozostaje to, że takie przekształcenia nastąpią – można jednakże mówić raczej o pewnych prognozach co do przewidywanych kierunków i stopnia możliwych modyfikacji w tym zakresie, a finalny ich stan będzie efektem tak czasu trwania swoistego „zawieszenia” działalności szeregu firm, ale i pracowników, jak i efektywności podejmowanych działań – zarówno w sferze medycznej, jak i ekonomicznej, czy społecznej. Przedstawiony artykuł jest jednym z głosów w dyskusji na wskazany temat, toczącej się w przestrzeni publicznej, której celem jest nie tylko wskazanie potencjalnych wektorów rozwoju rynku pracy w trakcie i po trwającej pandemii, ale także zidentyfikowanie jego głównych problemów. Bowiem to właśnie w okresach znacznego pogorszenia koniunktury ujawniają się nieprawidłowości i zaniedbania, które mogą mieć istotny wpływ na rynek pracy i jego uczestników.

The freedom of the press is one of the basic guarantees of a democratic state and, at the same time, a guarantee of political rights. After 2008, when the great financial crisis occurred, the Member States of the European Union began to significantly limit the rights and freedoms of citizens, including freedom of the press. The introduced restrictions are characteristic of a neo-militant democracy. However, they sometimes become a tool in the hands of antidemocrats. The aim of the article is to check how and why over the years, between successive crises, i.e., financial crisis, the so-called refugee crisis, the coronavirus pandemic, freedom of the press was restricted in Ireland and Great Britain. These are the countries in which initially the political and social effects of the economic crisis were not felt, but later rapid regression was observed. By using content analysis based on reports from the Reporters without Borders and Freedom House organizations, the study uncovers how and why the restrictions of freedom of the press changed. It locates the political structures of Ireland and Great Britain between the ideal types of neo- and quasi-militant democracy, depending on the goal of the restrictions. The research hypothesis is as follows: The restriction of freedom of the press in Ireland and the United Kingdom after 2008 shows that states are using the media system to pursue their particular interests by introducing solutions characteristic of quasi-militant democracies.