The American strategy to combat the ‘Islamic State’ rests on four pillars. The first is to conduct systematic air campaigns against the terrorists. The second involves increasing support for forces fighting the jihadists on the ground. The third is based on the strengthening of international cooperation in counter–terrorism operations. The fourth involves the provision of humanitarian aid to civilians displaced from the territories occupied by the jihadists. This article analyzes the assumptions, tactics, the most important decisions and actions of the American administration to combat the ‘Islamic State’. It is an attempt to provide answers to the questions: why has there been a growth of extremism in the Middle East? Why is the ‘Islamic State’ a new form of terrorist threat? How does it differ from other terrorist organizations? How was the ‘Islamic State’ created? What actions have been taken by the international coalition led by the United States in the fight against the jihadists in the Middle East? Is the strategy taken up by the United States effective? Does the defeat of the ‘Islamic State’ require the involvement of US ground forces in Iraq and Syria?

W 2003 r. Amerykanie wkroczyli do Iraku pod szyldem wojny z terroryzmem. Obok posiadania broni masowego rażenia Saddamowi Husajnowi zarzucano współpracę z Al-Kaidą . Plan administracji George’a W. Busha wydawał się prosty. Obalić reż im Husajna, zabezpieczyć irackie złoża ropy naft owej i rozpocząć proces przemian demokratycznych. Zasadzone w Iraku ziarno demokracji miało zostać rozsiane na całym Bliskim Wschodzie. Amerykanie popełnili w Iraku wiele błędów, które miały liczne reperkusje, nie tylko dla USA, ale całego systemu bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Misja stabilizacyjna w Iraku nie tylko nie zmniejszyła terroryzmu, ale stworzyła dogodny grunt dla rozwoju ekstremizmu, doprowadzając do destabilizacji całego regionu. Dzisiaj bardziej problematyczną kwestią od poziomu demokracji w Iraku jest coraz większa aktywność terrorystyczna „państwa” islamskiego, już nie tylko na Bliskim Wschodzie, ale również w Europie.

This article examines the use of American military power in the Middle East during the presidency of Barack Obama. While some have characterized those responses as confusing, inconsistent, and/or inadequate in number, this study argues that there is a way to understand and explain Obama’s decisions, the “Obama Doctrine”. The article develops and applies the Doctrine to America’s use of force, or not, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, and elsewhere.

Sexual violence as a weapon in armed conflicts on the example of the activities of the “Islamic State” toward Yazidis women

The dissertation consists of the analysis of the criminal activity of the „Islamic State” toward Yazidis women. Religious and political reasons for the crimes committed on this religious minority will be presented. The authors will present, for example, among others selected articles from the “Dabiq” magazine or the pamphlet entitled The questions and answers on Hostages and Slaves. It was published in 2015 by an organization, in which an interpretation of Islamic law with regard to justification for sexual slavery was made subsequently. The authors will also refer to numerous reports of non-governmental organizations. The current situation of Yazidi women and the issue of bringing to justice the perpetrators of the crime committed in Yazidi will be analyzed.

Kultura dżihadyzmu to nowa kategoria, która wymaga konceptualizacji. Z uwagi na szeroki zakres definicyjny w najbliższym czasie zapewne pozostanie ona polem sporu badaczy. Jedynym całościowym opracowaniem bezpośrednio dotyczącym kultury dżihadyzmu jest monografia Jihadi Culture, pod redakcją Thomasa Hegghammera (Heggehamer, 2017). Wcześniejsze opracowania odnoszą się przede wszystkim do poszczególnych fragmentów tego fenomenu, tj. poezja, ikonografia, muzyka, filmografia czy nagrania video. Niniejszy artykuł ma postać studium przypadku. Kultura dżihadyzmu została w nim ukazana przez pryzmat struktury Państwa Islamskiego, w oparciu o wybrane przykłady. W związku z tym, że na kulturę dżihadyzmu składa się wiele elementów, niniejsze opracowanie nie aspiruje do miana wyczerpującego. Ukazuje kulturę dżihadyzmu IS jedynie poprzez niewielki fragment działalności tej struktury, co może stanowić początek badań nad tym aspektem funkcjonowania struktur dżihadystycznych, również tych o niesalafickiej orientacji.

Following the fall of the so-called Islamic State in March 2019, tens of thousands of its fighters, along with their wives and children, were captured and detained in facilities controlled by Syrian Democratic Forces in northeast Syria. Many of which were European. Based on the information provided by scientific institutes and journalists, the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic had had a significant impact on the functioning of those facilities. Not only did it aggravate an already severe humanitarian crisis, pushing the detainees to reinforce their attempts of escaping and rioting against the guards, but it also lowered the security level in the controlled facilities, allowing a flourishing of criminal activities. Furthermore, the detainment of ISIS followers turned into a political game between the Kurdish coalition and the United States. The global health crisis put to the test the strategy of many Western governments of keeping European ISIS fighters in the Middle East while pressuring the international community to rethink its approach towards this crescent problem.

The Muhajirs in Poland – the threat of Islamist terrorism from foreigners

The aim of this article was to analyse the terrorist threat in Poland posed by foreigners participating in the global salafi jihadist project. As a rule, these are people associated with such organizations as the Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State ISIS, and their derivatives. The research was to verify the actual scale of the phenomenon, the motivations, the modus operandi, and to show trends in this practice. It was also an attempt to identify system problems that hinder the fight against terrorism and may result in a threat to Polish security. The analysis also shows that, contrary to popular opinions, the threat comes not only from the Middle East, but also from Central Asia and the Caucasus. All these directions, however, have their specifics.

Ethnic and Religious Problems of Iraq in XXI Century

Iraq is a specific ethno-religious mosaic. By except Arabs and Kurds there are a lot of minorities which since ancient times were present on this territory. Among them are: Yazidis, Mandaneans, Shabaks, Assyrians, Turkmen and Marsh Arabs. After the collapse of Saddam Husein regime the U.S., British and allied troops began to control Iraq. In the face of such a situation many different radical Muslim groups has evolved and started to fight foreign soldiers. In result, Iraq plunged into instability and chaos and many minorities became a main victims of political and military conflict. Such societies like Yazidis, Mandaneans, Shabaks were persecuted, forced to flee and killed. by now Iraqi state has no any capabilities to protect such minorities which still feel insecure in their own country