The American strategy to combat the ‘Islamic State’ rests on four pillars. The first is to conduct systematic air campaigns against the terrorists. The second involves increasing support for forces fighting the jihadists on the ground. The third is based on the strengthening of international cooperation in counter–terrorism operations. The fourth involves the provision of humanitarian aid to civilians displaced from the territories occupied by the jihadists. This article analyzes the assumptions, tactics, the most important decisions and actions of the American administration to combat the ‘Islamic State’. It is an attempt to provide answers to the questions: why has there been a growth of extremism in the Middle East? Why is the ‘Islamic State’ a new form of terrorist threat? How does it differ from other terrorist organizations? How was the ‘Islamic State’ created? What actions have been taken by the international coalition led by the United States in the fight against the jihadists in the Middle East? Is the strategy taken up by the United States effective? Does the defeat of the ‘Islamic State’ require the involvement of US ground forces in Iraq and Syria?

W 2003 r. Amerykanie wkroczyli do Iraku pod szyldem wojny z terroryzmem. Obok posiadania broni masowego rażenia Saddamowi Husajnowi zarzucano współpracę z Al-Kaidą . Plan administracji George’a W. Busha wydawał się prosty. Obalić reż im Husajna, zabezpieczyć irackie złoża ropy naft owej i rozpocząć proces przemian demokratycznych. Zasadzone w Iraku ziarno demokracji miało zostać rozsiane na całym Bliskim Wschodzie. Amerykanie popełnili w Iraku wiele błędów, które miały liczne reperkusje, nie tylko dla USA, ale całego systemu bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Misja stabilizacyjna w Iraku nie tylko nie zmniejszyła terroryzmu, ale stworzyła dogodny grunt dla rozwoju ekstremizmu, doprowadzając do destabilizacji całego regionu. Dzisiaj bardziej problematyczną kwestią od poziomu demokracji w Iraku jest coraz większa aktywność terrorystyczna „państwa” islamskiego, już nie tylko na Bliskim Wschodzie, ale również w Europie.

This article examines the use of American military power in the Middle East during the presidency of Barack Obama. While some have characterized those responses as confusing, inconsistent, and/or inadequate in number, this study argues that there is a way to understand and explain Obama’s decisions, the “Obama Doctrine”. The article develops and applies the Doctrine to America’s use of force, or not, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, and elsewhere.

Iraq 2018 – a strategic choice. The background, implications and importance of Iraq’s parliamentary elections of 2018

The parliamentary elections of May 2018 may become a landmark for Iraq on both internal and geopolitical levels. This paper analyses internal and international preconditions of Iraqi parliamentary elections in the context of possible implications of the election results for the international position of Iraq and internal stability of the state. The international context is shaped by security situation in the region, the increased engagement of Saudi Arabia, American efforts to isolate Teheran and the internal situation in Iran as well as the growing rivalry between centers of Shia Islam in Najaf and Qom and the different models of socio- political organization they propose. In the internal dimension, the election results – while surprising for the establishment and the majority of observers – are the outcome of many variables: the systemic crisis related to the Kurdish independence referendum, the disputable position and the future role of the Popular Mobilization Units in the political system and security apparatus. The increasing social pressure may require the reform of the Iraqi political system. The results of 2018 elections – as well as the dynamics and nature of popular protests unfolding since 2015 – show that the majority of Iraqis that are engaged in this new social movement demonstrate an anti-interventionist attitude and support the integrity of the state. The widespread protests indicate that the status quo based on the sectarian quota sharing system adopted in 2005 is being questioned, as well as the common notion that religion and ethnicity are the main political motivations in the Middle East. This article aims to demonstrate that due to the co-occurrence of specific processes and phenomena in the international environment and in Iraq itself (in area of civic-awareness that has resulted in creation of a social movement), a process of political emancipation has begun that may lead to reestablishment of Iraq as a sovereign entity in international politics.

The Federal State of Iraq as a Solution to the Ethnic and Denominational Problems on the Example of Kurdistan

Federalism is one of many political solutions to the situation in the Iraqi state. The reason is that it was a political solution most frequently used in the world. It was applied mainly in multicultural countries. The complex political and administrative situation compels to look for a political compromise that will find justification and legal basis in the constitution of a given country. The federal system appears to be the compromise. Meanwhile, the Russian model can be used as an example for Iraqi Kurdistan, particularly in the case of Dagestan. In the early twentieth century, the newly established Iraqi state incorporated a part of the Kurdish region, while at the same time there were plans to create the Kurdish state. The difficulties would not let up. Problems related to nationality were becoming more acute. The second phase of the Iraqi problem arose after the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime. A diversified country was beginning to face a problem not only on national, but also religious grounds. The Russian model, predominantly exemplified by Dagestan, could prove successful in Iraq. Both ethnic and religious similarities speak for it.

Importance of the 2005 Constitution of the Republic of Iraq as a Result of the Operation “Iraqi Freedom”

The adoption of a constitution is usually a breakthrough event, initiating a new reality for a given community, although it often becomes only a meaningless document, the provisions of which are ignored by the rulers, irrelevant or even unknown to the society. The armed operation of the Coalition Forces under the political and military leadership of the US, which lasted from 2003 to 2010, creates an important context for the constitution of the Republic of Iraq, which was implemented in December 2005. Therefore, it is important to place this constitution against the background of events and other documents of this rank in Iraq. Only in such a context can the significance of this fundamental law be properly assessed. For this purpose, a source analysis of both the text of the Constitution of 2005 and previous documents of a similar rank in Iraq was carried out, as well as an analysis of the political and military situation and the changing internal socio-political conditions in order to place this legal act in the right context.

Ethnic and Religious Problems of Iraq in XXI Century

Iraq is a specific ethno-religious mosaic. By except Arabs and Kurds there are a lot of minorities which since ancient times were present on this territory. Among them are: Yazidis, Mandaneans, Shabaks, Assyrians, Turkmen and Marsh Arabs. After the collapse of Saddam Husein regime the U.S., British and allied troops began to control Iraq. In the face of such a situation many different radical Muslim groups has evolved and started to fight foreign soldiers. In result, Iraq plunged into instability and chaos and many minorities became a main victims of political and military conflict. Such societies like Yazidis, Mandaneans, Shabaks were persecuted, forced to flee and killed. by now Iraqi state has no any capabilities to protect such minorities which still feel insecure in their own country