The American strategy to combat the ‘Islamic State’ rests on four pillars. The first is to conduct systematic air campaigns against the terrorists. The second involves increasing support for forces fighting the jihadists on the ground. The third is based on the strengthening of international cooperation in counter–terrorism operations. The fourth involves the provision of humanitarian aid to civilians displaced from the territories occupied by the jihadists. This article analyzes the assumptions, tactics, the most important decisions and actions of the American administration to combat the ‘Islamic State’. It is an attempt to provide answers to the questions: why has there been a growth of extremism in the Middle East? Why is the ‘Islamic State’ a new form of terrorist threat? How does it differ from other terrorist organizations? How was the ‘Islamic State’ created? What actions have been taken by the international coalition led by the United States in the fight against the jihadists in the Middle East? Is the strategy taken up by the United States effective? Does the defeat of the ‘Islamic State’ require the involvement of US ground forces in Iraq and Syria?

Gaining by Syria independence from France in 1946 and the rise of the State of Israel supported by Western countries, which from the beginning was in the political and military conflict with the Arab states, created for the Soviet Union the new possibilities of the political game in the Middle East. From 1955 to 1991, USSR became the main supplier of conventional arms to Syria (displacing the United Kingdom). In the years 1955–1991 Syria bought in the Soviet Union arms for $ 34.6 billion in SIPRI trend indicator values , which accounted for 8.04% of the value of the total Soviet arms sales during this period. After the collapse of the USSR cooperation in this regard was continued and throughout the years 1992–2012 Russia remained the main and dominant arms supplier to Syria, though not on this scale as earlier. However, especially the 90s of the twentieth century meant a huge setback in comparison to the previous period – then delivery has been completed of diesel engines for the modernization of tanks ordered in Soviet Union, and 3,000 antitank guided missiles were ordered in Russia. In the years 1992–2012 Russia has sold Syria arms for $ 1.254 billion SIPRI trend indicator values , which accounted for 1.21% of the total sales of Russian arms and weapons of 103.393 billion $.

Wojna w Syrii spowodowała w 2015 roku masowe migracje uchodźców do Europy, co zostało potraktowane jako narastający problem, a nie wyzwanie. Polska temu wyzwaniu nie sprostała i nie przyjęła żadnych uchodźców. W tym kontekście warto się zastanowić nad tym, czy Polska w ogóle jest gotowa do funkcjonowania we współczesnym zróżnicowanym świecie. Co można zrobić, by tę gotowość podnieść? Kryzys syryjski zakwestionował także dojrzałość Unii Europejskiej jako wspólnoty społecznej i obnażył fakt, że przyświecająca idei stworzenia Unii motywacja oparta na wspólnocie interesów, jest za słaba dla tworzenia kulturowej jedności1. W dobie kryzysy syryjskiego, okazuje się, że tożsamość europejska jest nadal krucha.

This article examines the use of American military power in the Middle East during the presidency of Barack Obama. While some have characterized those responses as confusing, inconsistent, and/or inadequate in number, this study argues that there is a way to understand and explain Obama’s decisions, the “Obama Doctrine”. The article develops and applies the Doctrine to America’s use of force, or not, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, and elsewhere.

Egyptian-Syrian relations after 2011

Egypt and Syria have been important actors in the Middle East, a region of considerable geostrategic importance. This article analyses relations between the two countries after 2011 in the context of events related to the so-called Arab Spring. The first part of the study describes the common path Egypt and Syria took over the past millennia, which explains the significance of their mutual relations. In the section that follows, the author shows the destructive impact of processes related to the Arab Spring on relations between these countries, most notably the eruption of the Syrian conflict and the takeover of power in Egypt by the Muslim Brotherhood. Next, the article describes the impact of the fall of Islamists in Egypt in 2013. Although since then relations between the two countries have ceased to be hostile, efforts to repair them remain slow. The author argues that the reasons for this delay could be attributed to the pressures exercised by external actors.

Politics of Saudi Arabia and the United States against the civil war in Syria – a convergence or divergence of interests?

The policy of Saudi Arabia and the United States towards Syria since 2011 is full of paradoxes. On the one hand, both countries are in favor of overthrowing the regime of Bashar al-Assad and reducing the influence of Iran and Russia in Syria, but on the other hand there are discrepancies in the approach of Washington and Riyad to the Syrian question, which was particularly visible during the presidency of Barack Obama. The issue of financing the opposition groups fighting in Syria, but most of all the problem of launching land intervention in a war-stricken country was among the contentious issues. The Kingdom, as an advocate of intervention, has repeatedly called on Washington to take more decisive steps to overthrow al-Assad and combat the so-called Islamic State. However, the other problems facing the White House and Riyadh, which affect the solution of the Syrian question, are nowadays a priority in the policies of the United States and Saudi Arabia, in contrast to the war in Syria.

The turbulent changes in the Middle East which were seen at the very beginning as good news for Israel, at the end of the day became more ambiguous. The Arab Spring and then the war in Syria that had erupted along with massive social protests ended up with regime changes, but what was crucial, the primary success of the Arab awakening was captured by Islamist movements. The changes in the Middle East were even deeper due to at least two factors – Russia „coming into” and the United States „going out” of the region. These new regional circumstances combined with the geopolitical shift in the Middle East and a crumbling American supervision made Israel conclude that its security has become more complex and the U.S has no more been the only significant great power player in the region. Hence the difficult political and military situation around Israel has created a need to adapt to security challenges and simultaneously, to take political opportunities. The goal of this paper is to highlight basic ramifications for Israeli security and diplomacy of the American and Russian factors in the current Middle East politics. The key questions are: How to secure Israeli interests in these new circumstances? How to assess, on the one hand, the risk of the ongoing decline of American interests in the region and, on the other hand, the complexity of the Russian strategy in the Middle East? Finally, whether Israel might be able to gain recognition by the Arab world, not to mention to keep its strategic domination in the region which is already being challenged by the Islamic Republic of Iran and its nuclear ambitions.

The People’s Republic of China’s Response to the Hybrid War in Syria

The main purpose of the paper is to present the most important determinants and dependencies characterizing the policy of the People’s Republic of China towards hybrid war in Syria since 2011. The paper starts with the definition of hybrid war and its most important determinants. In next part of the article, the role Syria that plays in China’s political strategy has been described. At the outset, relations between Beijing and Damascus during the Cold War and immediately after its completion have been analyzed, when the Chinese side approached with a considerable distance to wider involvement in the Middle East, including Syria, having own internal difficulties, tense relations with the United States and the pro-soviet and then pro-russian position of Damascus. Next, Beijing’s views on the outbreak of the war in Syria have been mentioned, pointing to the most important determinants of the Chinese politics and the ideas for resolving it proposed by the Chinese Communist Party. In addition, goals that the Middle Kingdom wants to achieve in Syria have been presented in the global and economic aspect. The attitude of the communist power to the problem of rebuilding Syria has also been put into account. In conclusion, it has been addressed whether in the era of China’s growing assertiveness on the international arena, a modification of the Chinese position, should be expected.

Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and their citizens belonging to the family of the Arab nation. As a case study for Syria, this article analyses the basic concepts relevant to the subject (nationalism, the nation from the perspective of Islam, and Arab thought), the roots of pan-Arabism in Syria and its presence in the public and legal space. It also attempts to demonstrate that Arab nationalism helped the Syrian authorities (represented by the Alawite minority) blur national, ethnic, and religious differences and thus preserve the unity of society and state.

The Muhajirs in Poland – the threat of Islamist terrorism from foreigners

The aim of this article was to analyse the terrorist threat in Poland posed by foreigners participating in the global salafi jihadist project. As a rule, these are people associated with such organizations as the Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State ISIS, and their derivatives. The research was to verify the actual scale of the phenomenon, the motivations, the modus operandi, and to show trends in this practice. It was also an attempt to identify system problems that hinder the fight against terrorism and may result in a threat to Polish security. The analysis also shows that, contrary to popular opinions, the threat comes not only from the Middle East, but also from Central Asia and the Caucasus. All these directions, however, have their specifics.

Syrian conflict and its impact on the situation in Europe

The Arab Spring, which turned into a revolution, or rather a civil war in Syria caused a tragic, yet interesting configuration of the international political arena. This seemingly small, insignificant country in the Middle East pulled the most important powers of the world in to its interiour conflicts. Syria has become the key to the Middle East. It is a very colorful country in every way: ethnic, religious, cultural, landscape… and the country in which the Middle East countries and world powers and international terrorist organizations want to pursue their interests. They are so contradictory interests that led to an absurd war in which everyone is fighting against everyone. There has therefore been a confrontation on several levels, such as political: between the United States and Russia; religious: Christians–Muslims, as well as within Islam: Sunni–Shia, or Saudis and the Persians; business: where, for example, the role of the corridor between the Mediterranean Sea and Iraq it is taken by Turkey, it is a confrontation between the Ottomans and the Persians. Due to this almost 3 million external emigration takes place – not to mention the more than 10 million internal migration – and simutlaniously the influx of refugees not only to neighboring countries but also to Europe, mainly Western Europe. On the political scene the new players are reinforcing themseves namely, the Kurds. A new division of the Middle East is being created of which, the future is difficult to predict.

The main objective of the article was to determine whether the Uyghurs were a relevant group in the Syrian conflict, i.e., whether they were numerous, well-organized and determined enough to take the fight to the Syrian army or other non-state actors or cooperate with them. Several levels of analysis were carried out in this article. Firstly, article aimed to show where the Uyghurs in Syria came from. Secondly, the following section assessed their importance to the Syrian conflict, as well as who they worked with and fought against. Thirdly, it analysed whether their military and political involvement could have an impact on the international situation. Last but not least, the fate of Uyghurs, especially those who left for Syria, was discussed. The latter issue is also a question about Syria, its fate and place in the politics of other countries.

Politics Of Sectarianism In Syria During The Presidency Of Bashar Al-Assad

Contemporary Syrian politics is a paradox. On the one hand, the ruling Baath regime led by President Bashar al-Assad claims national unity and co-existence based on alleged secularism. On the other hand, the same regime foments existing sectarian strife for its benefit. Today’s Syria seems to be torn between two seemingly opposite realities – secularism and sectarianism. To solve this puzzle, the authors conducted the frame analysis of the presidential speeches since the eruption of conflict in 2011. They have proved that Assad has denied the facts, skilfully constructing desectarianisation discourse, while deepening the sectarian divisions. By doing so, he increases the legitimisation of his rule as well as chances for survival. The Syrian regime has entrenched the sectarian practices which it theoretically stands against. It is a unique case of de-sectarianisation as sectarianisation.

Earthquake Diplomacy and the Change of the Syria’s International Position

Syria is a state which has been affected by multiple series of disasters in the XXI century. Some of them has been natural caused, whereas there were some caused by human activity. Only for the first two decades of the current century, Syria has been the arena of the most complex military conflict, which significantly damaged the whole state and caused its partial international isolation. On the other hand, Syria has struggle with various types of natural disasters, such as drought from 2006 to 2010, numerous floods, the COVID-19 and Cholera outbreak and finally, the recent earthquake, occured in February 2023. The last phenomenon has lead numerous countries to express solidarity with Syria as well as to deliver the humanitarian aid to this country. Some of them are considered to be hostile towards Damascus and president Bashar el-Assad. In parallel to the humanitarian assistance, there was a diplomatic process, which led to full rehabilitation of Syrian president in the region and to full normalization diplomatic relations with other Arabic states as well as to start a dialogue with Turkey. In some analytical and media centers, the recent events have been described as an outcome of the earthquake diplomacy or disaster diplomacy, characterized as the international situation in which the natural disaster and the readiness to counterreaction against its effects, may create the opportunities to deescalate relations between the warrying states. Therefore, would it be accurate to consider the recent disaster in Syria able to create the new process as well as to transform the long-term strategies of a number of countries? This article will deal with analysing political process occured between Syria and the regional powers after the earthquake as well as it will try to answer the question how the international position of Syria has changed and crucially: does the recent earthquake have the impact on these issues?