This article is concerned with the research on Polish geopolitical codes following 1989. The problem has not yet been the subject of broader scientific studies or publications. In this aspect, the research is of particular importance for the analysis of foreign policy of Poland, which had to redefine its place in Europe and to fundamentally rebuild external relations, that is also to define the new geopolitical codes. The code system used in this text is based on Colin Flint’s definition, with the key division into allies and enemies. Based on the analysis of discourse, it can be stated that the most important allies of Poland in these codes are the USA, the European Union, Germany, and the enemy is Russia. In general, the fundamental change of Poland’s geopolitical codes following 1989 – from the east side to the west – can quite easily be seen in the electoral programs: the enemies of the People’s Republic of Poland’s period became allies, and the forced ally became an enemy. However, their concretization is generally not original and rather schematic. The Polish geopolitical codes have been exerted with strong influences of the hegemonic geopolitical codes of the West, mainly those of the United States. On the other hand, the last geopolitical code, the attempt to explain to the public the geopolitical imaginations of our elites, has been the weakest. This largely confirms the authoritarian dimension of Polish top-down transformation as well as the dominance of the elites over the society.

The present paper raises the issue of cultural security in the programme-related ideas conceived by Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (hereinafter referred to as the Law and Justice or – to use an abbreviated term – PiS) in 21st century. In the present paper, the issues related to national identity and national culture were scrutinized, the former and the latter being two constituents of cultural security of the state.
Political programmes of the Law and Justice specified mainly the dangers to national identity in the context of European integration and of striving for the unification of European culture. On the other hand, in the realm of national culture, what was noticed was the phenomenon of neglecting the said issue and not considering it important from the point of view of security of the state.

The party system and the parties within it were ones of the relevant elements of system transformation in Poland. We can identify several significant determinants of the process with regard to this area. The first of them is formal standards and their influence on the course of political competition. The second is the functions attributed to political parties in the political and party system. The third one is connected with the significance of social structure’s specificity and its influence on voting behaviors. The fourth determinant is the models of competition at the cabinet level. The paper presents these four determinants of development of political parties and the party system in Poland in the perspective of democratization processes.

There is a strong conviction in the political thought of the Law and Justice party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość; hereafter PiS) that the fundamental motive behind the state’s activity in the international environment is the pursuit of the state’s own interests (the realistic theory of international relations), which is historically determined (historical policy). PiS politicians specified that the main goal of the Polish foreign policy is to ensure the state’s external security.. Two fundamental pillars of the Republic of Poland’s security were defined. First, the foundation of the state’s security would be close alliance with the United States, strengthened by Poland’s membership in the NATO. Secondly, a significant role in the neutralization of threats was seen in Poland’s membership in the European Union. The party led by Jarosław Kaczyński took an exceptionally realistic view of the policies pursued by Poland’s neighbours – Russia and Germany. The Russian Federation was seen as a state that sought to gain control over Central and Eastern European countries (clientelism). The intensification of the cooperation between Germany and Russia caused particular apprehension among PiS politicians.