The article is devoted to the characteristics of the ‘hung parliament’ in the Westminster System and its influence on government formation. Some interesting aspects has been chosen to illustrate the problem of minority government existence in Great Britain. Author explains normative and non-normative systemic factors that influenced the formation of the government cabinets without a sufficient majority in the parliament. The main thesis is that creation of minority governments is closely associated with the evolution of the party system and can be a kind of political barometer that predict or confirm appropriate changes at the party scene.

Debut Members of Parliament in the Sejm of 7th, 8th and 9th term. The contribution for the analysis of the phenomenon of the party circulation of elite

Parliamentary representation of political parties is nowadays becoming an important field of activity of every grouping. Members of Parliament, following the standards of party charters, become an element of party elite, holding the official positions in collegiate organs. Personal changes in the parliament then mean changes in the party elite. The goal of the article is defining the scale of the phenomenon of debut Members of Parliament in the years of 2011, 2015 and 2019. The research question which the author was faced with is the question about the scale of the phenomenon of debut Members of Parliament and its consequences for the demographic structure of the Polish Sejm and the particular party representations in the parliament, defined as party elites. Detailed questions concern: the importance of parliamentary representatives in contemporary political groupings; defining whether the scale of the phenomenon in 2015 was significantly different from the election results from 2011 and 2019. The established hypotheses assume that: the important of parliamentary representation in contemporary parties is on a constant growth on the formal level and also within the political praxis, and consequently, Members of Parliament can be called party elites. Another hypothesis assumes that the phenomenon of debut MPs has stood out quantitatively in the analyzed period of time, nevertheless, it has not changed the demographic structure of the parliament dramatically, concerning the other two analyzed terms. The period of the analysis concerns the three parliamentary elections in 2011, 2015 and 2019, which allowed to pick up on the possible tendency of the phenomenon.

Populizm jest zjawiskiem skomplikowanym, ponieważ koncepcja ta nie tylko różni się zarówno w podejściu, jak i przejawach, ale także ukształtowała się w krajach i regionach poza Europą. Podczas gdy intelektualiści nieustannie krytykują i postrzegają to zjawisko jako zagrożenie, któremu należy zapobiegać, miliony ludzi w całej Europie jednocześnie okazują poparcie dla ruchów, partii i osób o ideologii populistycznej. Ten sprzeczny obraz pokazuje, że pojawienie się populizmu jest w istocie odzwierciedleniem szeregu niestabilnych i niepokojących problemów społeczno-politycznych, a także skrajnych emocji i bezsilności ludzi w takich sytuacjach. Celem artykułu jest zatem przyjrzenie się czynnikom napędzającym Brexit, a tym samym zbadanie populizmu na poziomie analizy na poziomie indywidualnym, grupowym, państwowym i systemowym. Wyjaśniając poglądy wietnamskich intelektualistów na temat populizmu, artykuł następnie omawia możliwość wzrostu populizmu w obecnej sytuacji społeczno-politycznej w Wietnamie.

Normative Guarantees of the Freedom of Association in Political Parties in Kazakhstan

The subject of the study is the problem of freedom of association in political parties in Kazakhstan from the normative perspective. The analysis of national regulations concerning the guarantee of political pluralism and determining the principles for the creation and operation of political parties in Kazakhstan indicates for series transgressions and contradictions with international obligations accepted by them at the area freedom of association. The current law on political parties in this country contains very restrictive provisions. It lacks provisions that would guarantee the access of political parties to the mass media and the free organization of meetings and demonstrations. The law also prohibits the creation of religious, national and ethnic political parties.

Education as an Subject of Interest of Polish Political Parties in the Second Decade of the 21st Century. Analysis of Selected Election Programmes

The aim of this article is to reflect on the pluralism of plans and projects of the school education system in Poland at the end of the second decade of the 21st century and the positions of political parties regarding reforms of children’s and youth education. The hypothesis of the research in the article is the assumption that the electoral programmes of Polish political parties are characterized by a plurality of educational visions. They often are proposals for reforms adapting education to the tasks of the modern economy, market and social changes. The research method used in the article is the analysis of source documents, i.e. political party programmes, as well as their comparative analysis. The programmes of 14 political parties, valid in the second decade of the 21st century, were analyzed. These were in the order: Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Labor Union (UP), Polish Labor Party – August 80 (PPP-S’80), Party Together, Spring, Green Party, Polish People’s Party (PSL), Democratic Party (SD), Civic Platform (PO), Modern Party, Law and Justice (PiS), Coalition of the Restoration of the Republic Freedom and Hope (KORWiN), Right Wing of the Republic, National Movement (RN).

Legal and Practical Aspects of Voluntary Service in the Activities of Polish Political Parties

Voluntary activity is a form of civic activity, which is an essential part of modern, wellfunctioning democracy, both at the local and national levels. Popular ideas identify volunteering with work in community centers, rehabilitation centers for the disabled, hospices, nursing homes for the elderly, orphanages, and homes for single mothers. Meanwhile, as it was confirmed by the study of the Klon/Jawor and CBOS, voluntary activity is not just purely social and supportive one. Volunteers, as is the case in other countries, support with their work organizations of political nature – movements, committees, and political groups. The use of their support intensifies especially during election campaigns, when volunteers perform different tasks: gather signatures on lists of candidates in the election, organize rallies and campaign trails, lead wide campaigning – handing out leaflets and urging to vote for particular candidates or political parties, prepare handouts, and update web pages, blogs and profiles in social networks. This voluntary, and – what needs to be especially emphasized – also conscious involvement in political activity, is a manifestation of a particular group of civic participation in its political dimension.

Twenty Years Later – Remarks on the Financing of Political Parties in Poland

Financing of parties is an issue that interests and excites many, not only members of specific parties, but also, or perhaps especially, the so-called regular Joes. Emotions may not come as a surprise, as financing parties has provided material for many surprising stories in the past. After 1989, the rules for financing of political parties in Poland were modified several times until they were regulated in the fullest way in 2001, with the introduction of party financing from the state budget. The article takes a closer look at the evolution of the rules on the financing of political parties and analyses the doubts that have arisen during more than 20 years of the current statutory regulation.

Since 2002, the Justice and Development Party and its undisputed leader, the current leader of the state, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, have enjoyed unwavering support on the Turkish political scene. The processes taking place in Türkiye are referred to as the “erdoganisation of Turkish politics.” It is happening both at the level of the state’s internal policy and foreign policy, referred to as “Erdoğan’s foreign policy.” These processes are proceeding in parallel with the growing role that Erdoğan plays in his own party. He became the undisputed leader of the party, and then of the entire state. He is also positively evaluated in the societies of other Muslim states. In the case of Türkiye, an important issue that required analysis was the adaptation of institutional solutions to the changing position of individual entities and paying attention to strengthening the role of the individual/leader within the political system of the state.