Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie zarysu relacji pomiędzy rządem Tanzanii a działającymi tam korporacjami wydobywczymi, w szczególności w sektorze gazu naturalnego. Ramy teoretyczne artykułu osadzone są w krytycznej międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej i sprowadzają się do współkonstrukcji uwarunkowań gospodarczych i politycznych w procesach negocjacyjnych, przy jednoczesnej akceptacji tezy, iż Tanzania jest obszarem peryferyjnym w międzynarodowym podziale pracy, a koncerny wydobywcze nie mają na celu zmiany jej pozycji. Po zaprezentowaniu charakterystyki tanzańskich złóż gazu omówione zostały wybrane elementy tanzańskiego reżimu politycznego, które zdaniem autorów plamają kluczowe znaczenie dla zrozumienia wagi górnictwa gazowego dla administracji prezydenta Magufuliego. Następnie omówione zostały czynniki warunkujące procesy negocjacyjne pomiędzy rządem tanzańskim a koncernami wydobywczymi.

This study was conducted with the general objective of investigating GePG users’ perceived support quality using a case study of the GePG system’s end-users. The study was conducted in Tanzania using a cross-sectional research design which employed a sample size of 102 respondents, who were administered a questionnaire survey to collect primary data, which was later analysed using Principal Components’ analysis, Descriptive Statistics, and Pearson’s Correlation. The findings revealed that end-users of the GePG system positively perceived the quality of the GePG system; based on PCA analysis findings, respondents were neutral with the quality of support from the GePG system support team, as they neither agreed nor disagreed, and the study found a negative weak correlation between satisfaction levels with the quality of support from GePG and end-users’ intention to continue using GePG’s payment services. Therefore, the study concluded that despite end-users’ positive perception of the quality of the GePG system based on ease “of use and responsiveness”, end-users of the GePG system were neutral on rating the quality of the support they were receiving from the GePG support team. Thus, the study recommended that to ensure the sustainability of the GePG system, more resources and efforts need to be directed into the support team of the system to clearly understand the end-users’ challenges.

This article examines the transformation of political discourse on women’s rights and women-oriented NGOs in Tanzania, focusing on successive state administrations within the same political party, led by John Pombe Magufuli and Jakaya Kikwete. The analysis unfolds through three key phases: first, characterizing the habitus of Tanzanian women’s NGOs; second, examining the evolving narratives in government-NGO relations; and third, briefly exploring the political discourse during the Kikwete and Magufuli presidencies. The research methodology is based on extensive desk research and two field studies conducted in Tanzania. Rather than adhering to a preconceived theory, our research approach is guided by theorems and selected frameworks. Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts, particularly ‘habitus’ and the ‘exchangeability of different forms of capital,’ underpin our argument and interpretation of the data. The study shows that while elements of anti-feminism are evident in Magufuli’s political discourse, accusations of promoting toxic masculinity are mainly unfounded. At the same time, it argues that the critique of women’s empowerment and women-focused NGOs can be attributed to Magufuli’s unique mode of accumulating political and economic capital, leading to heightened distrust in the relationship between these NGOs and the Tanzanian government.

The aims of this article are: (1) presentation of changes in the level of globalization in Kenya and Tanzania (2) comparison of countries in terms of globalization level (3) identification of the main globalization processes taking place in the countries. To ensure economic development in Tanzania and Kenya, it is necessary to implement globalization processes and monitor the level of globalization. For this purpose, statistical data analysis and comparative analysis using the KOF Index have been employed. Progressing globalization was found in Kenya and Tanzania, and based on this, it was decided to make a thorough analysis of which aspects have increased the most. For this purpose, the KOF Index of Globalisation analysis was used for these countries and on this basis the strongest development areas in the last 22 years were identified, as well as a comparative analysis of globalization in Kenya and Tanzania was made. The studies have shown that the level of globalization is increasing in both Kenya and Tanzania, with Kenya exhibiting a higher level. This difference might primarily stem from the economic policy orientation – Kenya focuses on trade openness, whereas Tanzania emphasizes support for domestic sectors of the economy and local entrepreneurs. The areas in which countries have developed the most are social processes. The ongoing processes of globalization can support both the growth and economic development of the analyzed countries, thereby potentially help reduce the main social and economic challenges in Kenya and Tanzania.

This article explores language-in-education (LIE) policies within post-colonial contexts, with a specific focus on Tanzania. It provides a systematic exploration of the multifaceted factors that shape these policies and their profound impact on academic performance and educational outcomes in the country. Specifically, the article examines the relationship between policies prioritizing students’ mother tongue or familiar language and academic performance. Additionally, it assesses the influence of policies favouring the language of the past colonizer on academic outcomes in primary and secondary education. The theoretical foundation of this study is Critical Theory, a framework which illuminates the power dynamics and social inequalities inherent in policy development and implementation. It provides insights into how dominant linguistic groups exert influence in decision-making processes and how language policies perpetuate existing social hierarchies. The study holds significant research value, as it addresses the pivotal role of LIE policies in shaping educational outcomes and socio- economic opportunities within multilingual societies. It acknowledges the contentious nature of language and education debates within the African context, especially in primary education. A key contribution of this research is its holistic approach. Unlike studies that solely focus on academic performance metrics or isolated variables, it considers a wide range of societal, historical, and political factors that intersect with language policies. This comprehensive view allows for a deeper understanding of the challenges posed by English as a third language in Tanzania’s educational system. Furthermore, the study underscores the importance of engaging multiple stakeholders, ensuring teacher readiness, and incorporating the perspectives of students to effectively implement LIE policies. It emphasizes the need for increased government commitment and public awareness to develop inclusive and equitable policies that promote quality education and social justice. In conclusion, this article offers valuable insights into the complex landscape of LIE policies in Tanzania. It calls for a nuanced approach that considers the unique context of each post-colonial nation to develop pragmatic and equitable language policies conducive to desired educational outcomes.