The cyclic survey, carried out on a representative group of Poles, indicate some changes taking place in the Polish society – what has changed is Poles’ attitude to their own activity which brings no profit but is of general social significance. With no doubt, growing social engagement is a positive phenomenon. The issue which the author has explored for years is the activity and engagement of teachers – especially those inhabiting the Polish-Czech borderland. Borderland is a space which enhances intensive activity and engagement. Transfrontier activities are largely addressed to schools and teachers and the cooperation in the examined area of the southern borderland is very intensive. The research was inspired by earlier projects addressed to teachers on both sides of the border. Its aim was to find out whether the views of teachers engaged in projects are close to the views shared by a broader, representative group of school workers. The obtained empirical data were processed with the use of statistical methods: for testing the statistical significance of differences between variables the chi-square test (χ2) was used, and for measuring the intensity of the relation between variables – Cramer’s V coefficient (0 ≤ V ≤ 1). The research focus was on the surveyed teachers’ activeness concerning both the participation in transfrontier projects and the search for knowledge of the neighbours. The research was also aimed at finding out how the teachers evaluate the activeness, in the field of establishing closer contacts between Poles and Czechs, of other subjects – politicians of all levels and educational institutions or associations. The analyses of the research results concerning this issue reveal the respondents’ strong criticism. It seems worth mentioning, that the respondents themselves present little interest in the activities aimed at establishing closer Polish-Czech contacts.

Postępująca mediatyzacja polityki i uzależnienie działań politycznych oraz ich efektów od sposobu i zakresu relacjonowania przez media daje dziennikarzom olbrzymią władzę: co prawda to nie oni podejmują decyzję, ale to oni ustalają na jaki temat odbywa się publiczna debata. To media wprowadzają tematy do publicznego obiegu i to mogą skazać na polityczny niebyt niechciane czy niemodne tematy, a wraz z nimi polityków.

A. Farazmand identifies three approaches towards relationship between politicians and bureaucrats in contemporary academic discussion. The first approach holds the idea of total control of bureaucracy by elected politicians. The second approach rejects dichotomy of politics-administration, and speaks for the twofold role of bureaucracy, both political and administrative. The third approach treats the high level bureaucrats as possessing certain autonomy vis-ą-vis politicians. The aim of the article is to demonstrate that already the early researchers of relationship between politicians and bureaucrats provided different explanation of their roles. In order to ensure effectiveness of public administration, W. Wilson separated administration and politics. M. Weber showed the dark side of administrative effectiveness – bureaucratization of public life, which can be controlled only by charismatic political leadership. J. Schumpeter pointed to the negative side of competition among such charismatic leaders, that is, decrease of administrative effectiveness. Therefore, he claimed that democratic government has to rely upon professional bureaucracy, which is sufficiently strong and independent.The article proposes a twofold explanation of these divergent approaches. First, it can be explained by variety of parliamentary systems, which is determined by differing executive-legislative linkage. On of the extreme cases of such linkage is premiership of cabinet system, where the executive power dominates vis-ą-vis parliament. Such case could explain the approach (by M. Weber), according to which charismatic political leaders, who proved their capabilities during the party competition, could and should rule the systems of bureaucratic administration. Another extreme case – the French type assembly government – could explain the approach (by J. Schumpeter) that bureaucracy should be strong and independent, which could advice or even prescribe politicians, engaged into competition, which forces to care not about the effectiveness of state administration but the political value of administrative decisions. Second, the explanation of different approaches concerning the role of politicians and bureaucrats may by related to the fact that societies seek to have both politically responsive and professionally responsible bureaucracy. The aim of politically responsive bureaucracy rests on the understanding of the importance of political leadership in liberal democracies and its relationship with the state bureaucracy. This aim is expressed by M. Weber. Another aim comes from the understanding that implementation of public policy, formulated by politicians, depends on the professionalism of bureaucracy and its responsibility. This aim is articulated by J. Schumpeter.