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Aims and Scope

The Polish Political Science Yearbook (PPSY) is an international, open access, and peer-reviewed journal publishing high-standard research on political science, international relations, and public policy. The PPSY serves as a forum for academic scholars and professionals to support the latest analytical and methodological advancements and promote current work in political science and Polish studies.

For full aims and scope please visit section "About the journal"

The British political system is unusual in many aspects. First of all, Britain lacks a written constitution. The country’s political system has long appeared a model of stability in a changing world. It should be noted that European integration has had a considerable impact on the British political system. However, the election of Tony Blair government in 1997 was a starting point towards serious constitutional reforms. One of the most important was the devolution and The House of Lords reform. Apart from it Human Rights and Freedom of Information Act were introduced. In 2000 a directly elected mayor of London was elected. In 2010 a coalition government was established with David Cameron as the Prime Minister from the Conservative Party. The second were the Liberal Democrats. This coalition in itself was unusual in Britain’s post-war history. The set of changes in the British political system was an important part of the coalition agreement. The first stage was The Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Act 2011 which provided for a referendum on the voting system for UK Parliament and reduced the number of constituencies. The second was The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 which set the date of the next general election as 7th May 2015 and on the first Thursday in every fifth year there after. There are only two circumstances when early elections can be held. The Monarch no longer dissolves Parliament, but the Act does not affect her/his power to prorogue Parliament. In 2011 proposed reforms to the royal succession were also announced. They changed the rules of succession and the fi rst-born child of a monarch would be heir apparent regardless of gender. Apart from it there were plans to reform the House of Lords again. Its current serving members were to be replaced by a semi-elected house of as few as 300 members (240 elected and 60 appointed). The plans failed, because they did not gain acceptance. Constitutional changes since 1997 have been extensive, but there was no holistic view on the reform process. Nowadays the country faces the possible separation of Scotland, which could lead to the breakup of the United Kingdom. It could be a revolutionary change of the British political system. However, there are close links between Scotland and the rest of the country and in all probability the status quo will prevail.

The role of the public sphere has increasingly come to the fore in studies concerning the state of democracy in Europe. Similarly the role of culture in formations and transformations not only of personal but of political identities as well has attracted attention. It is the purpose of this article to bring these areas together in a comprehensive approach to media, culture and democracy with a view of the public sphere as a crucial mediating field. Article focuses on the role of media in sustaining and developing democracy, a democratic dialogue and in fulfilling the role of media as the critical watchdog of the political system and other powerful players on the European scene. The concept of knowledge democracy is meant to enable a new focus on the relationships between knowledge production and dissemination, the functioning of the media and our democratic institutions. The emerging concept of knowledge democracy moreover obliges us to realise that the institutional frameworks of today’s societies may appear to be deficient as far as the above mentioned undercurrents, trends and other developments demand change. Democracy is without a doubt the most successful governance concept for societies during the last two centuries. It is a strong brand, even used by rulers who do not meet any democratic criterion. Representation gradually became the predominant mechanism by which the population at large, through elections, provides a body with a general authorisation to take decisions in all public domains for a certain period of time. Fragmentation of values has lead to individualisation, to uniqueness but thereby also to the impossibility of being represented in a general manner by a single actor such as a member of parliament. More fundamentally media-politics destroy the original meaning of representation.

This text is a record of a speech given during the Third Polish Conference of Chairs and Departments of Political Systems. The main subject of this paper is the need to carry out research on political systems using diverse methods and takes, both legal and “humanistic”. The paper shows how important in terms of methodology it is to compare particular legal status with reality using examples when legal analysis is not sufficient, for example, on the account of social rebellion. The text identifies challenges that researchers of political systems face due to that fact. In this context is also discusses the problems related to studying such institutions as, for example, the Ukrainian Maidan.

The Third Polish Conference of Chairs and Departments of Political Systems was held in the Palace in Ostromecko near Bydgoszcz on April 3 – 4. This time this event was organized by the Chair of the Political System of the Republic of Poland of the Faculty of Political Sciences and International Studies at the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń in cooperation with The Fund for International Cooperation Support n.a. Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, and Eastern Studies Center. The event was held under the scientific patronage of the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń and Polish Political Science Association, while PiK Radio provided media patronage. Prof. Danuta Plecka (NCU) acted head of science, while Zuzanna Osmólska, MA, Katarzyna Miętkiewicz, MA and Paweł Jaroniak, MA were secretaries during the conference. The organizers suggested “Citizen and His Role in Shaping the Political System” as main theme of this year’s meeting. The plan of the conference included two lectures of valued experts on political systems theory and discussions. Among the speakers were the outstanding experts on the subject matter: Prof. Andrzej Antoszewski from the University of Wrocław and Prof. Tadeusz Godlewski from the Nicolaus Copernicus University. However, among participants were representatives of almost all university centres in Poland dealing with political systems. Amongst nearly fifty guests were scientists from the University of Warsaw, the University of Gdańsk, the University of Wrocław, the University of Silesia in Katowice, the University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, the University of Łódź, the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin, the University of Rzeszów, the University of Zielona Góra, the Kazimierz Wielki University, the University of Szczecin, the Pedagogical University of Cracow, the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, and, of course, the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń.

The changes in political life in Poland in the period 2005–2011, which restructured the existing balance of power (dominance of post-Solidarity parties at the expense of the post-communist party) force us to consider whether the party system evolution involves changes in the sphere of ideological divisions. But there also arises another question about the crisis of the left, which could mean the end of the previous model, intergroup rivalry. But there is no doubt that it occurred after 2005 events. Initiated processes took a completely different direction than those in the 90^s. The purpose of the article is to explain the ongoing political disputes, and also attempt to answer the question: what factors shape the profile of program-ideological political formations in Poland.

Karachay-Circassia, is very small both in the territorial and demographic aspect and is widely considered as one of the most politically unstable state-subjects of the Russian Federation. This instability is implied by a combination of many factors occurring against a relatively stable historical and cultural background. This background consists of: multiethnicity, colonization and sovietization, deportations, migrations, ethnic segmentation of the society, ethno-clanishness, ethnic and territorial conflicts and the geopolitical situation. The latter has often decomposed the natural development of nation-creating and state-creating processes. Moreover, it has also been the main cause of numerous tragedies of the local populace which sometimes has put its very biological existence under threat.

The events that took place in Tunisia in early 2011, proved to be very important for the whole international environment. The northern part of Africa is signifi cant for the Western countries for natural resources which are available there for these reasons, stable and politically predictable, situation in the countries situated there is a strategically important element of a global security system. Tunisia since mid December 2010 has witnessed riots of young people throughout the country who, in the desperate acts of the self burning claimed democracy in their country, reduction of unemployment (13%), improving the living conditions and prospects for a better tomorrow for young people. „Jasmine Revolution”, the name given by the French journal Le Monde to the riots, led to the overthrowing of President Ben Ali, after 23 years of rule and his escape to Saudi Arabia. 

The purpose of this paper is to make a contribution to the understanding of the domestic patterns of the political competition in Turkey. Moreover, the paper will also focus on the new doctrine of Turkish foreign policy implemented after the electoral victory of the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) in November 2002. In this article the AKP political platform is analyzed as a moderate pro-Islamic party because of its past connections with the Islamic National Outlook Movement of Necmettin Erbakan. In literature on the topic, all the Islamic political parties were connected to the political thought of N. Erbakan and known as the organizations of the National Outlook Movement tradition (Milli Görüş Hareketi). It should be noted that on this point, the first party was the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi), second, the National Salvation Party (Milli Selamet Partisi), third the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) and fourth the Virtue Party (Fazilet Partisi).

From this short, synthetic review of participation of Presidents in cabinet formation in 1989 – 1995 results that W. Jaruzelski was fully loyal towards processes of democratic changes in Poland. The position of the first, in the history of third RP, head of state was weakened by fiasco of C. Kiszczak mission of government formation; the politician indicated by the President appeared ineffective. But W. Jaruzelski accepted C. Kiszczak failure with dignity and he engaged himself in the process of formation of T. Mazowiecki cabinet although he had constitutional instruments to block it. “President Jaruzelski, Siwicki (Ministry of Defence) and I spread a protective umbrella over this Cabinet against »hardliners« in Poland and abroad.”. L. Wałęsa, benefiting from social consent, very actively took part in the process of formation of solidarity cabinets both before and after he became the head of state. He, with the substantive help of his closest and most trusted associate – prof Lech Falandysz – forced through a favourable for himself interpretation of art 61 of Small Constitution. Because of this, ministers from MoD, MIA, MFA in Pawlak and Oleksy’s Cabinets were appointed by the head of state. It should be stressed that L. Wałęsa helped to promote two prominent politicians: J.K Bielecki and W. Pawlak.

At the turn of the 21st century, under the influence of “quick transformation” undergone by the international relations, we have rather to do with “a carnival” of theoretical approaches competing with each other. Undoubtedly, it hampers the discourse about the research area within the scope of what is usually de" ned as international relations, and about epistemological condition of the discipline with over 100 years of tradition. In this theoretical chaos there are being posed questions if the international relations are “clearly de" ned domain of intellectual reflection, if they have specific features distinguishing” them against other social sciences, or if it is possible to create universal mega-theory in the international, dynamic, diverse and energetic environment, and if yes, then further questions are appearing. They concern two issues: ontological beings around which the international relations, seen as “autonomous,” scientifically clear discipline, would consolidate, and methods of acquiring knowledge about it. Those who doubt, especially philosophers and sociologists, pose also questions if and how much it is possible to get objective knowledge, that is not burdened with the reflex of subjective system of values, ideas and experiences of a researcher.

The elections are an important element of the political system; indicator of the proper functioning of a democratic state. It is also the method for selection of the persons who will hold certain positions, public ofices and will represent the interests of the electorate.

The meaning of dialogue can differ. In a very narrow sense it is defined as a reciprocal conversation between two or more persons. However from scientific point of view it should be first of all understood as an universal value, one of the most important premises for social actions. Dialogue should be than seen either as a form of bilateral or multilateral relations on global or regional scale or as a method of reaching political decisions inside the political system, functioning as a stabilizing factor. A constructive dialogue is constituted by three basic rules: rule of mutual understanding; rule of mutual respect; rule of integrity of each side’s convictions and behavior. Coexistence of these aspects creates practical mechanisms for solving problems of human condition, civilization threats and social and cultural conflicts in a globalized world.

Emergence of parties and party systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of Communism, in comparison with the emergence of parties and party systems in Western Europe, was different in at least two ways. First, they were forming up in the time of crisis of political parties in general. Western political parties, as Martin Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokkan indicated were a result of sociolopolitical cleavages (Lipset, Rokkan 1967), which enabled them to formulate their programmes and define their electorates. However, since the late 1960’ there have been many changes, due to new socio-political context. Relations between parties and their electorates started to diminish as a result of new sociopolitical differences and the parties themselves started to look for new supporters (tried, with the help of media, to become catch all parties). Parallel to this, ideologies stopped playing the main, defining role in the process of voting for the party. But still, as Lipset claims in an article describing party systems in postcommunist Europe, parties must have steady voter alignments based on sociopolitical divisions in order to successfully take part in consecutive general elections, until then they are unstable.

2014 was a breakthrough year. Ukraine’s crisis of 2013–2014, February 2014 revolution which removed Viktor Yanukovych and his government, annexation of Crimea by Russia, war in Donbas caused changes in the geopolitical map of the world. The crisis had many effects both domestic and international. Author argues that the crisis is a part of the wider changes on the geopolitical map of the world. The main effect of the crisis is that Ukraine was transformed into shatterbelt – regions that are both deeply divided internally and caught up in the competition between Great Powers.

This text focuses on the issue of the functioning of the individual in the state. The main issues analysed in the text are: autonomy and privacy units, the influence of the individual on political decisions, legitimization of political power, the universal protection of human rights. An attempt to answer the question about the scope of the possibility of entering the state into the sphere of human rights, rights of individual.

Celem artykułu jest określenie oddziaływania Kościoła katolickiego na system polityczny w Polsce odwołanie się do case study – form sprzeciwu Kościoła wobec legalizacji metody zapłodnienia pozaustrojowego in vitro. W nauce o polityce Kościół jest określany jako organizacja wyznaniowa, grupa interesu, aktor polityczny. Autor definiuje Kościół (jako) podmiot, który oddziałuje na system polityczny i jego otoczenie w formie bezpośredniej, pośredniej i sankcji moralnych. Biskupi katoliccy sprzeciwiali się regulacji in vitro, ingerując między innymi w przebieg procesu legislacyjnego. Świadczy to o doniosłym wpływie Kościoła w Polsce na sferę publiczną.

Political thought of polish underground national movement during World War II

Nationalists were one of the numerous Polish political movements during World War II. Actively engaging in the fight against the occupying forces, they suffered heavy losses, but does not prevent them in the creation of significant heritage in the field of political thought. The aim of the article is to present the political thought of Polish national movement during the Second World War. Historical, qualitative and comparative methods were used. The whole has been divided into several parts,, in which author examines the with issues of political thought as: Polish war aims, vision of state borders, ratio to national minorities, vision of the political system, economic vision, vision of national security, education and upbringing. The whole article has to show how rich the heritage of those generations.

Artykuł koncentruje się na eksploracji najważniejszych czynników indukujących wysokie poparcie dla polityki Władimira Putina. Punktem wyjścia analizy jest charakterystyka rosyjskiego systemu politycznego, który determinuje określone relacje na linii Kreml – społeczeństwo rosyjskie. Mając świadomość, iż społeczeństwo rosyjskie nie jest monolitem, autorka kieruje uwagę na tę część rosyjskiej populacji, która deklaruje swoje poparcie dla działalności obecnego prezydenta. Uwzględniając szeroki wachlarz zagadnień dotyczących tego zjawiska stara się w tekście odpowiedzieć na następujące pytania: na jakie potrzeby i oczekiwania społeczne odpowiadają działania prezydenta? Dlaczego duża część społeczeństwa rosyjskiego nie widzi alternatywy dla Władimira Putina na stanowisku Prezydenta Rosji? W jakim stopniu wartości realizowane przez Kreml wpisują się w wartości uznane przez rosyjskie społeczeństwo?

Polish politicians of different political options, especially while proposing new reforms, declare that citizens should have a say in many issues under discussion. In reality, however, instruments of direct democracy stipulated by the Polish constitution (The Constitution of the Republic of Poland, 1997) and laws are not frequently applied (see: people’s initiative, social consultations), both due to Polish people’s low degree of public activity and because of the lack of parliamentary customs and the authorities’ accompanying lack of willingness to work out new solutions by way of serious debate and considering the society’s ambitions and expectations, also those representing positions others than those of the government majority.
The aim of this paper is to discuss the institution of a referendum in Poland and to present the approach of the Polish political class to the institution of a nationwide referendum using the example of the referendum of 6 September 2015. We also discuss the history of this institution in Poland and address the issue of its legal foundations, as well as present arguments of the followers and opponents of this form of direct democracy. It is also necessary to analyse the motives behind the initiating entity’s decision concerning the organisation of a nationwide referendum from a broader perspective and to evaluate its implications in the sphere of politics.