Upadek świata dwubiegunowego może zostać uznany za nowe otwarcie w stosunkach chińsko- rosyjskich. Sytuacja międzynarodowa na początku lat 90. umożliwiła odnowienie i normalizację stosunków politycznych między tymi państwami oraz zapoczątkowanie współpracy na kilku płaszczyznach. Rozwijanie kontaktów zarówno politycznych, jak i gospodarczych okazało się być procesem długotrwałym, warunkowanym przez liczne wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne czynniki. Celem artykułu jest analiza ewoucji wzajemnych relacji, motywacji działania, źródeł współpracy oraz jej znaczenia. Biorąc pod uwagę rosnące strategiczne znaczenie regionu eurazjatyckiego, szczególnym aspektem w kontekście współpracy Federacji Rosyjskiej i Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej jest jej istota dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Przeprowadzana analiza będzie uwzględniała zwłaszcza współpracę rozwijaną z wykorzystaniem Szanghajskiej Organizacji Współpracy.

The subject of the analysis is the development of program and organizational changes in recent decades in Communist Party of China. In particular, the international context and potential opportunities for international cooperation of communist parties and the creation of a new global organization are considered. The publication also considers the historical background of the functioning of the Communist International. It is stated that Communist Party of China possess own independent way of building of socialism. Article main conclusion is that international communist movement should change its relations with the Communist Party of China and cooperate together.

The People’s Republic of China is one of the states focusing intensively on building its soft power and shaping its international image. However, China’s image is still negative and primarily based on stereotypes. In recent years, this country is willing to change such perceptions and present itself as an efficient, intensively developing, capable country that is much more than just a global production plant. The article aims to review China’s different manifestations of development aid regarding changing this type of public diplomacy and its meaning to the Chinese government. Is it only motivated by good intentions, or maybe its goal is to only provide an advantage to China? It is evident that owing to significant development, China needs to expand its economic contacts. However, the tested hypothesis states that behind Chinese development aid, political motivation is hidden as well. The research is based on content analysis of official documents and Foreign Ministry’s statements referring to development aid.

The article aims to analyze the role of economic sanctions in the People’s Republic of China’s overall approach to achieving its security objectives in the international arena. During the last two decades, Beijing used this instrument on numerous occasions to exert pressure on a varied group of actors. China’s current strategy toward a range of disputes and conflicts it is engaged in (the South China Sea territorial disputes most prominently stand out) is often described using the popular vocabulary of “hybrid warfare” or “grey zone conflicts”. Putting the conceptual complications aside, the author agrees that the PRC’s approach can be viewed as part of a growing trend for great powers to employ what can be called “hybrid strategies” toward its opponents. As part of a broader category of economic statecraft, economic sanctions form an important element of this approach. Considering current scholarship on both “hybrid” (or “grey area”) warfare and economic sanctions, the article answers the question of why the PRC increasingly resorts to hybrid strategies (including economic coercion) and identifies the main characteristics of Chinese economic sanctions. It also provides preliminary conclusions on their effectiveness.

The People’s Republic of China’s Response to the Hybrid War in Syria

The main purpose of the paper is to present the most important determinants and dependencies characterizing the policy of the People’s Republic of China towards hybrid war in Syria since 2011. The paper starts with the definition of hybrid war and its most important determinants. In next part of the article, the role Syria that plays in China’s political strategy has been described. At the outset, relations between Beijing and Damascus during the Cold War and immediately after its completion have been analyzed, when the Chinese side approached with a considerable distance to wider involvement in the Middle East, including Syria, having own internal difficulties, tense relations with the United States and the pro-soviet and then pro-russian position of Damascus. Next, Beijing’s views on the outbreak of the war in Syria have been mentioned, pointing to the most important determinants of the Chinese politics and the ideas for resolving it proposed by the Chinese Communist Party. In addition, goals that the Middle Kingdom wants to achieve in Syria have been presented in the global and economic aspect. The attitude of the communist power to the problem of rebuilding Syria has also been put into account. In conclusion, it has been addressed whether in the era of China’s growing assertiveness on the international arena, a modification of the Chinese position, should be expected.

Intelligence as a tool of Chinese foreign policy – contribution to research

The article takes up the problem of Chinese intelligence as a tool of support foreign policy. In the first place, the theoretical concepts and assumptions concerning this domain of state policy have been systematized. A review of selected foreign policy definitions in Polish-language political literature was conducted in this respect. Next the authors discussed the specificity of foregin policy determinants, structures and instruments. The key determinants of China’s foreign policy of political, military, geographic, economic, and doctrinal character were discussed in following part of article. In the last part of the paper, an attempt was made to answer the question of how the above conditions affect the demand and performance of Chinese intelligence activities.

Implementation of the Chinese Concept of Digital Silk Road - Case Study of Serbia

Until now, mainly traditional infrastructure projects have been implemented under the auspices of the Chinese Belt and Road. However, more and more often one can hear about its next component, i.e. the Digital Silk Road (DSR). In this way, China is expanding its “technospheres” - geographic areas where it is building its edge in terms of data and information gathering. These technospheres directly supply China with this most valuable commodity - the so-called “New oil” or data. PRC activities of this type translate into various regions of the world - including Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), including the Balkan countries. The research objective of the article is to analyze the assumptions of the digital component of the Belt and Road initiative in the selected Balkan country, i.e. in Serbia. It is also important to examine China’s strategy and measures towards that country. The author will try to answer the following research questions: (1) What is the Digital Silk Road?, (2) What opportunities and threats result from its implementation?, (3) How the CEE region, and the Balkan countries in particular, approach the cooperation offered by the PRC?, (4) What is the US Clean Web Initiative, and (5) What is Serbia’s reaction to digital propositions made by the PRC? The conducted analysis will allow for the definition of the mechanisms of operation of the RDI initiative, in particular its digital component in the Balkans, as well as it will be useful in research on the broader context of China’s foreign policy. The article uses the analysis of existing data (desk research).

Impact of the “Belt and Road” Initiative on the Natural Environment

The article aims (1) to describe the ambiguities around the definition of BRI; (2) propose a simplified and generalised typology of RDI infrastructure; (3) analyse Chinese documents on “greening” projects under the “Belt and Road” Initiative; (4) describe the initiative’s impact on the environment; (5) describe the role of social and economic factors influencing the environment of RDI and sustainable development policy. The article contributes to the discussion on the environmental impact of the Belt and Road Initiative and further interdisciplinary research – considering the multifaceted nature of this cross-border initiative. It is crucial as the impact of BRI is likely to be felt for generations after it is completed worldwide. The article uses the following research methods: the method of institutional and legal analysis (to present the institutional and legal foundations of the Green Silk Road); the method of collecting and observing facts, as well as the method of synthesis and analysis.

The aim of the article is (1) to describe the evaluation during the RDI initiative; (2) analysis of Chinese documents on “greening” projects under the Belt and Road initiative; (3) describe the impact of the initiative on the environment; (4) describing the role of socio-economic factors influencing the environment of RDI and sustainable development policy; (5) issuing recommendations and recommendations for the PRC. The article may contribute to intensifying the discussion on the environmental impact of the Belt and Road Initiative and to carrying out further interdisciplinary research – taking into account the multifaceted nature of this cross-border initiative. This is crucial as the impact of BRI is likely to be felt for generations after it is completed worldwide.

Energy Security Policy of the People’s Republic of China towards the Caspian States of Central Asia

In contemporary international relations, the issue of energy security is becoming fundamental. Access to energy resources is an existential need of every country, conditioning its economic and social development. In such a situation, states try to construct long-term energy security policies to ensure smooth supplies of raw materials. The research problem is the analysis of the energy security policy of the People’s Republic of China towards the Caspian states of Central Asia: Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. In the research process, a hypothesis was verified, assuming that China’s energy security policy in the Caspian region of Central Asia is determined by the increased demand of this superpower for energy resources and geographical proximity to oil and gas deposits located in Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) became interested in the hydrocarbon resources of the Central Asian region right after the collapse of the USSR. At that time, the energy security policy of this superpower was implemented in several stages: from gaining access to the oil and gas reserves of the countries of the region to the construction of export pipelines supplying the absorptive Chinese market. Thus, the analysis presents the conditions of the PRC’s energy security policy, its institutional dimension and actions towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, both in upstream and midstream terms.

Bilateralism or Multilateralism – The Preferred Forms of Economic Cooperation Between India and Pakistan with the People’s Republic of China

India and Pakistan have adopted different paths of developing economic relations with the People’s Republic of China. New Delhi focuses on advancing economic relations with Beijing through cooperation within multilateral formats, such as Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, while Islamabad prefers strengthening economic ties through bilateral agreements, with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor at the forefront. This article aims to show the main causes why India and Pakistan favor different forms of economic cooperation with China. The analysis consists of the description of the economic profile of India, Pakistan, and the People’s Republic of China, as well as an outline of bilateral and multilateral projects implemented on the New Delhi-Beijing, and Islamabad-Beijing lines.

Political leaders: Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De – cooperation and rivalry

This lecture includes an attempt to answer the question: what the connection of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Zhu De was, and what conditions contributed to the fact that both Zhou Enlai and Zhu De did not share the fate of the political opponents of Mao Zedong, inter alia Liu Shaoqi, Wang Ming, Gao Gang and others. Recognizing the political reality of China of the period from the creation of the CPC to the death of the heroes, the synthetic approach shows their resumes, and an attempt was taken to involve the most important facts to answer the questions, inter alia about civil, war of national liberation, domestic and foreign policy of China implemented in accordance with the provisions of the Communist Party of China and the role of the heroes in shaping the cultural and civilisation order after the declaration of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China.

The Attitude of the United States Towards the Communist Party of China (1944–1946)

The article represents the first part of a comprehensive scientific endeavor dedicated to the description and analysis of the attitudes held by high-ranking US officials towards the Chinese Communist Party from 1944 to 1949. This initial segment focuses on the period from July 1944, marking the commencement of the so-called "Dixie mission" in China, to the conclusion of March 1946, coinciding with the country's outbreak of the civil war. Within this framework, the article presents, analyzes, and underscores the diversity and changeability of American perspectives and opinions regarding the CCP. It explores their ideas, actions, and connections with Soviet Russia. A particular emphasis is placed on elucidating the alterations in these opinions over time. The central hypothesis posits that the shifts in attitudes were driven by changes in both the internal and external environments, encompassing developments within China and the global context. Furthermore, it attributes alterations to American interactions with CCP and KMT officials, leading to modifications in their identities. The article employs a constructivist approach, alongside a realist perspective, in researching international relations throughout the text.

This study’s research problem is the determinants, evolution and implementation of cooperation in the energy dimension between the Caspian states of Central Asia (Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Pipeline routes are determined considering economic conditions, but are also the result of geopolitical actions of the states. The study aims to verify the research hypothesis that the specificity of cooperation in the energy field between the Caspian states and China is conditioned by objective economic interdependencies, but also results from geopolitical conditions. A predictive approach, related to the future role of the Caspian region in the energy market, was taken into account. A factor method was used in the analysis to identify the determinants of cooperation in the energy dimension between the Caspian states and China. A theoretical approach useful in solving the research problem is the geopolitical (geo-energy) approach and the theory of complex interdependence.

Tsai Ing-wen, the president of the Republic of China (Taiwan) in 2016–2024, is one of Asia’s most extraordinary female political leaders. A self-made woman who managed to enter politics independently – she was not born into a political family as is usually the case in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia – and who succeeded in her presidency. Tsai has enhanced the global profile of her country and impressed the world by combating the COVID-19 pandemic in a model way. She has also skillfully handled delicate cross-strait relations despite Beijing’s growing assertiveness. Tsai and her presidency are important for several reasons; the one highlighted here is her role in enhancing and trying to modify Taiwanese nation-building. During her presidency, Tsai Ing-wen advocated a “Third Way,” officially called “21st Century Taiwan’s Overall Cultural Construction”, based on accepting both the Taiwaneseness and the heritage of the Republic of China and merging both of these features. In other words, it emphasizes Taiwaneseness while not rejecting Chineseness. This is an interesting and bold attempt to forge a compromised identity, but one with an uncertain future due to domestic and international variables.

The signing of the security agreement between the Solomon Islands and the People’s Republic of China has raised concerns among some countries in the Indo-Pacific region, including Australia, India, Japan, and the United States, which form the Quad group. This article aims to examine the reaction of the format countries to the Honiara-Beijing agreement. The paper contains an analysis of the reasons for the rapprochement between the Solomon Islands and China, presents the reasons for the expansion of the PRC in the security dimension to the Pacific Island countries, and examines the Quad’s reaction to Beijing’s actions in the region.