Po wyborach prezydenckich w 2010 r. na Białorusi relacje białorusko-unijne weszły w fazę ostrego konfliktu politycznego. UE przyjęła sankcje wizowe i gospodarcze wobec Białorusi. UE zawiesiła również udział Białorusi w programie Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Do eskalacji konfliktu doszło na początku 2012 r., gdy ambasadorowie UE wyjechali z Białorusi. W kolejnych miesiącach UE przeszła do polityki krytycznego zaangażowania wobec Białorusi, która przejawiała się utrzymywaniem kontaktów z reżimem na poziomie technicznym. W drugiej połowie 2013 r. nastąpiła niewielka poprawa obustronnych relacji. Szczyt Partnerstwa Wschodniego w 2013 r. nie przyniósł wyraźnego przełomu na linii Bruksela–Mińsk.

The study analyzes the responses of the European Union (EU) and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the 2015 migration crisis and answers two questions: first, why did those two regional organizations prove ineffective in dealing with 2015 migration crisis? Second, why despite different legal, institutional and functional frameworks for cooperation in the migration field, the process by which both organizations made their decisions was very similar? The analysis of the EU and ASEAN migration governance frameworks shows neither too much integration (EU) nor too little (ASEAN) favor regional migration crisis solving.

The rule of law is one of the founding values of the EU, as indicated in Art. 2 TEU. This provision recognizes that the rule of law is a core value, inherent to liberal democracy, and one which characterized the Union and its Member States. Taking into account this context, as well as the deficiencies of the EU mechanism to enforce the rule of law within the Member States, European Parliament called on the Commission to establish a new tool to address rule of law backsliding in Member States. In October 2016, Parliament addressed recommendations to the Commission on the establishment of EU mechanism on democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental rights (EU pact for DRF) in the form of an international agreement. The new mechanism should integrate and complement the existing mechanism, should be evidence-based, objective, addressing the Member States and EU. The author analyzes this initiative and tries to answer why it was not fully realized. Additionally, he presents a reaction to that initiative of the Council of Europe. There is no doubt, that realization of the EU Pact for DRF would inf luence the Council of Europe and weaken its role as a main European mechanism in the area of protection of democracy, rule of law, and human rights.

In the history of the European Union, there are three main crises: financial crisis, the so-called refugee crisis, and the recent coronavirus pandemic. Since the financial crisis, the process of modern democracies taking over the characteristics of non-democratic regimes has become noticeable, and subsequent crises are only exacerbating it. A useful theoretical category for explaining this phenomenon is the category of militant democracy, which was first used by Karl Loewenstein, who applied it to the Weimar Republic. The article aims to present in general how successive crises have contributed to accelerating the militant process by the EU Member States.

Judicial System of the European Union

A comprehensive analysis of the provisions of the Treaty on European Union, which define the basic values, objectives, obligations of Member States and the procedure for ensuring effective judicial protection in the EU legal order. It has been established that the implementation of core values is a common task of the EU institutions and national state bodies. It is substantiated that the rule of law in the EU is ensured by effective judicial protection of rights in the areas covered by EU law. Effective judicial protection is provided by national courts together with the Court of Justice in the manner of implementing the mechanism provided for in Article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU. It has been proven that the unity of purpose, common functions, equality of legal status and common standards of judicial organization and principles of administration of justice unite national courts and the Court of Justice into a single EU judicial system. It is proposed to define the concept of “EU judicial system”, namely, the EU judicial system is a set of EU judicial institutions, namely integration institutions (EU Court within the TEU) and national courts of the Member States (higher courts, constitutional bodies), principles of functioning provided by the EU legal order, which jointly perform the functions of judicial control and effective judicial protection in the European region, interact with each other and ensure the establishment of the rule of law in the EU. Judges of the EU judiciary have the same requirements for age, qualifications, independence and impartiality, which are the common organizational principles of the EU judiciary. All judges of the EU judiciary are obliged to adhere to the principles of proceedings set out in the Charter and the Convention. It is proved that the unity of purpose, common requirements for legal status, common standards and principles of justice established for judges of the Court of Justice and judges of national courts are signs of their belonging to a single EU judicial system.

The article analyzes the causes, implementation strategy, and results of vaccine diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation in Central and Eastern Europe. In particular, the activities of China and Russia in Serbia, Hungary, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Moldova, Belarus, and Ukraine are covered. The main directions, tools, and consequences of the activation of the two states in the region are outlined. The article underlines that China is expanding its strategic goals according to the One Belt One Road Initiative through the so-called Health Silk Road, providing a vaccine to low- and middle-income countries. The goals of the Russian Federation are established more in the geopolitical and political spheres. Russia seeks to reduce the influence of the EU and the US in the CEE region from political, economic, and security perspectives. China and Russia are both allies and competitors. The two countries are trying to gain additional leverage in the CEE region by means of political lobbying, investment, finance, propaganda, Euroscepticism, public opinion manipulation, and soft power. For some time, the shortage of medicine for vaccination, which was caused by giving priority to the population of vaccine-producing countries, contributed to a rather increased activity of the PRC and the Russian Federation in the implementation of the strategy of gaining image benefits.

A retrospective of bilateral economic relations between EU and Russia

The European Union and Russia are different in economic terms. In opposite to traditional Russia, the EU is a new type of international community. Both sides are both partners and rivals aware of their addiction. The rivalries result from the collision defending Russia’s sphere of influence and the aspirations of the enlarging Union. The Union’s goal is to develop not only through deepening cooperation, but also by admitting new members to the community. The Russian Federation in the development of the EU sees a threat to its superpower position, and this is also the result of actions aimed at inducing disintegration in the EU, because the divided Europe is a weak Europe.

Turkey can join the EU once it has fulfilled the conditions and thus complies with European principles and laws. According to Turkish authorities, Ankara is ready and can adopt the full acquis communautaire by 2014. The aim of the article is to argue that seen in this light, the Nabucco pipeline project which is expected to bring Caspian gas to Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary and Austria via Turkey is of essential importance. By building this pipeline Turkey might become the fourth energy supply route for natural gas to Western Europe. Moreover, Turkey’s accession to the Energy Community Treaty as an equal partner with full rights would be an extremely important opportunity for Ankara to strengthen its position and commitment on its way to the membership in the EU.

Polish and Ukrainian concepts of security and cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe in the 21st century

Central and Eastern Europe is a region located in the context of geopolitical reorganization of the world’s wetlands. The first ideas of creating a security system in this part of the continent arose after the First World War. Among them were the Polish concept of “Międzymorze” (Intermarium, aka “ABC Seas”) and the Ukrainian idea of the Baltic-Black Sea Union. The concept of security and cooperation in the region was reintroduced with the Russian Federation’s accession to the achievement of the influence index from the USSR district. There were also problems in Polish-Ukrainian relations, differences in security strategies, the delineation of the strategic partnership and the formation of the Strategic Culture of the Territories. Countries in the region have announced a number of initiatives to improve regional security (TSI, B9, L3, or Trójkąt Karpacki). The members of the mentioned concepts should be among the geopolitical figures, the position of NATO and the EU and contestations on the part of Russia.

Economic relations between the European Union and Iran versus sanctions and energy security

The article provides an analysis economical and political relationship between Islamic Republic of Iran and European Union and its members countries, particularly Greece, Italy and Spain in the context of politics of energy safety. Prior to the adoption of heavy economic sanctions the EU led a double track politics towards Iran: “carrot and stick method”. The main thesis is that sanction on Iran hurts more this country then EU but in some cases: Greece, Italy, Spain could have problems with new energy partners. Iran before sanctions was one of the main European suppliers of oil and natural gas but not for all EU, only for few countries. There are lists of main exporters and importers Iranians oil and natural gas in EU and the world. Additionally a list of EU sanctions on Iran has been attached. Additionally article presents roots of piece of Middle Eastern enemy history relationships between Great Britain, USA and Iran.

The European Union’s Economic Development Strategy and Cooperation with the Countries of Central Asia

The purpose of this study is to analyse the European Union (EU) economic and development cooperation in Central Asia. EU’s economic support to Central Asian countries strengthens its position in this region. Central Asia is a key strategic area for cooperation and the EU seems to have deeper engagement. Moreover, this research highlights the EU’s strategic gear up with Central Asian countries from 2007 to till now. Since the EU launched the Central Asia Strategy in 2007, the objective of this policy is to provide development assistance and establish diplomatic channels in the region. The following research questions rely on, why is Central Asia important to the EU and how does it shape relations with Central Asian countries? And this study relies on qualitative analysis that will be used in this research which addresses the main research problems. Further, the study uses the empirical approach to justify answers to the questions and identify the research outcomes.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the dominant role of transactional drivers in India’s foreign policy towards the European Union (EU). The article hypothesizes that India is trying to use its relationship with the EU in primarily transactional ways to achieve its own foreign and economic policy goals rather than to advance shared norms and values as democratic powers. Those goals include (i) leveraging its global image and reputation as a trusted and credible international partner, (ii) gaining greater regional and global influence, (iii) attracting foreign investment and boosting Indian exports. The article begins by explaining the concept of transactionalism in foreign policies. Secondly, it identifies the main drivers of India-EU relations with a special focus on (i) the concept of non-alignment and strategic autonomy in India’s foreign policy, (ii) common norms and values shared by India and the EU, (iii) economic cooperation between India and the EU. Thirdly, it assesses the transactional dimensions of the drivers of Indian foreign policy toward the EU discussed in the preceding sections. Finally, it evaluates the significance of India’s attempts to use its relations with the EU to achieve its own foreign and economic policy goals, including with respect to the implications for the EU’s efforts to project itself as a normative power in relations with India.

Migration from the new European Union (EU) Member States to the United Kingdom (UK) has been identified as one of the most significant social phenomena of recent times and Accession 8 (A8) migration to the UK has been studied extensively particularly since 2004. Even though gendered studies of migration are now attaining recognition, there is limited literature in relation to Polish migrant women. What is more, there is now much evidence to support the view that migrant women constitute a large proportion of international migrants. In fact, when considering migration within the European context, migrant women now outnumber their male counterparts. Drawing on a review of secondary literature and preliminary findings from new fieldwork research undertaken in Poland and the UK in 2012, this paper explores how Polish migrant women exercise their rights as EU citizens to better their own and their families’ wellbeing. As the consequence of their newly acquired rights as EU citizens, Polish migrant women appear to be active agents who make use of the resources and opportunities that migration offers. It is concluded that migration within the EU presents positive opportunities for Polish migrant women to actively engage with and exercise national and EU citizenship rights.