In the very first years of his presidency, François Mitterrand thought that he will really be successful on a day that another socialist was elected as a president of the Republic. This statement seemed to be prophetic with the victory of François Hollande, which took place 24 years after the victory of François Mitterrand and – after the sequential defeats of the Socialist Party’s candidates Lionel Jospin (in 1995 and 20022) and Ségolène Royal (in 2007) – allowed them finally to take the helm of the French government. The election of François Hollande was not a surprise. The very first opinion polls designated him as a winner showing the small popularity of Nicolas Sarkozy. Then one should estimate that the final electoral result obtained by François Hollande (i.e. 51.7% of the votes), from the point of view of the pre-election predictions of research institutes for the public opinion was a rather weak performance.

The 5th French Republic was established after a period of parliamentary instability of the 4th Republic. It emerged from the concept of Charles de Gaulle, who presented its main ideas in his speech in Bayeux in 1946. As researchers indicate, the Constitution of the 5th Republic of 1958 met a wave of criticism after it came into force. For some it meant the introduction of the authoritarian political system in the state; others saw it as a system that will stabilize the situation in France and will prompt its development. It must also be noted that, although the French constitution has been amended a few times, its structure has never been questioned – even when some politicians changed their political stance and electorate. It is also worth pointing out that the critics of the existing political system focus on the excessive centralization of power in the executive bodies and on the minor role of public opinion in the formation of state ss policy. It should be noted here that until the constitutional reform of 2008, only the executive branch had initiated a referendum.

The political system of the French Fi€fth Republic is referred to as “semi-presidentialism”. This is is to indicate its mixed nature – of a system presidential and parliamentary at a time. The Constitution grants broad prerogatives – and assigns serious tasks to both the head of state – le Président de la République – and the chief of government – le Premier ministre. When the prime minister represented the pro-presidential political camp, the head of state gained very serious in! uence on governing the state and political strategy (first, when the French political scene was dominated by the right – 1958–1981; then by the le€ – 1981–1986 and 1988–1993; and finally by the right again 1995–1997 and since 2002). As early as during Charles de Gaulle presidency (1958–1969) the idea called domaine reservée came into existence. According to this political concept, the widelyinterpreted external policies – including foreign affairs and defence were recognised as presidential prerogatives, regardless the of literal construction of legal provisions. Relations within the executive changed radically with the end of political unity. During the so-called cohabitation French political practices were different and they ultimately led to an amendment of the Constitution.

The paper deals with specific links between presidential and parliamentary elections in contemporary France. The main goal is to demonstrate that the timing of the two types of political events is a significant factor preserving the configuration of a pro-presidential majority fact as one of the possible variants of French semi-presidentialism. This raises the question of the role of both elections as instruments for controlling the process of setting up a space of political rivalry that could be perceived as optimal from the viewpoint of ruling camps. The author analyses possibilities to provide the convergence of presidential and parliamentary elections under the conditions of a seven-year presidential term as well as after its shortening to five years in 2000. Hence, of particular importance is the impact of some mechanisms used in this field on the institutional logic of the French political system. Specific application of constitutional tools and some normative changes introduced in previous years cause the extent of the aforementioned control to be now much greater than in the first decades of the Fifth Republic. Looking at the convergence of both types of elections from the perspective of the evolution of the existing political system, the author argues that it is legitimate to divide the whole period of the Fifth Republic into three sub-periods: 1. the absence of electoral convergence (1958–1981); 2. partial electoral convergence (1981– –2002); full electoral convergence (since 2002). Due to the acceptance of the pro-presidential paradigm, the latter formula is now definitely preferred and supported by legal regulations, which affects the flexibility of French semi-presidentialism (significantly reduced, but not fully eliminated, probability of cohabitation).

MUSLIMS IN FRANCE IN TERMS OF RELIGIOUS AND ORGANIZATIONAL BACKGROUNDS

At the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first century, the problem of the Muslim minority in Europe became a significant problem in religious, social and political terms. In this publication, we present the characteristics of the presence of Muslims in France only in terms of religious and organizational backgrounds. By analyzing the first aspect, the importance of Islam as the second religion in terms of the number of believers in France is shown. The second aspect describes the characteristics of some important Muslim organizations in France.

One of the symbols of the Great French Revolution was the Declarations of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen-a document adopted by the National Constituent Assembly on August 26, 1789, collecting fundamental rights and the constitutional principles of a democratic state. It later became a lofty introduction to the 1791 constitution. The French had yet to receive two declarations, attached to the following basic acts-from 1793 and 1795. Their content was different, and even when some of their rights were repeated, they often differed in their approach, which indicated the changing ruling teams, their political programs, and their social background. In addition to indicating the differences between the three declarations, the article shows in particular the inspirations of the first (most important) of them-basically the influence of the Enlightenment thought and the declaration of the laws of the states of North America. The author draws attention to the differences between the American and French approaches to human rights. Despite the fact that after 1795 no further declaration of rights was ever made in France, the achievements of the Great French Revolution, and especially the 1789 document, remain today a point of reference for democrats in France and all over the world.

“Together, protecting marine biodiversity: know how to act” was the French governmental conference organized by three ministries in Paris on 12 March 2020. Ministry of Higher Education, Research and Innovation, Ministry of Agriculture and Alimentation, and Ministry for the Ecological and Inclusive Transition along with two research think tanks, Ifremer and OFB have organized the “day of biodiversity”. Participants were mostly researchers, governmental and local officials, business leaders, fishermen, representatives of associations and foundations, all from France. Thus, the language of the conference was French. The conference took place in the 13th century Collège of Bernardins, a former Cistercian college of the historic University of Paris. Experts and audience shared reflections and discussions on major research issues on ocean change, as well as the French position towards global maritime policy in order to find proposals for sustainable management and protection of the ocean.

Selected Aspects of Chinese-French Relations in the 21st Century

The relationship of the People’s Republic of China with the French Republic was initiated in 1964 and has been constantly evolving since then. The 21st century and the changes taking place in the international system have contributed to the growth of China’s position in the international arena as a superpower, while France has been trying to maintain its dominant position in the European Union for two decades. Both countries have a lot in common and divide. The element that binds both countries together is their status in the UN Security Council, their ambivalent attitude to the superpower status of the United States, and the mutual willingness to expand economic cooperation. Among the factors that differ Beijing and Paris, there are rivalries in Africa and the approach to human rights. This does not change the fact that France is one of the main directions of China’s European policy and makes it one of Beijing’s most important political and economic partners. The international situation that both the Chinese and French governments have to face may contribute to a change in bilateral relations in the near future and the need for both sides to look for another partner in the region - in Europe through China and in Asia through France. This article aims to highlight the most important aspects of Sino-French relations in the 21st century, with particular emphasis on political and economic cooperation, especially in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. Outlining these aspects in the relations between China and France determines the construction of the article, which consists of three main parts corresponding to the relevant issues. The aim of this article is also to answer a number of research questions, such as: what were the most important controversial issues in Sino-French relations? Has the title of the most important politicians at the head of China and France influenced bilateral relations? Do relations with France’s changing relations affect the international position of the PRC? Among the research materials used in this article, Polish, English and French-language literature can be mentioned, because access to Chinese materials is extremely difficult, including their translation into other languages. A number of research methods have been used to analyze this research problem, including historical analysis and description or decision method.

Sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea became a key topic for the negotiations since the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio de Janeiro. Ocean change is now the most significant threat facing humanity, especially those living in coastal areas. The possible and already observed loss of territory, and thus sovereignty of the submerged states, is not the only legal consequence of ocean change happening now, in the 21st century. Another factor is the downsizing of Exclusive Economic Zones, which implies political tensions between the neighboring countries, both sovereign and dependent territories of the former colonial powers. France is present in the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean via its overseas collectivities. Thus, instead of being at the 45th position in the world’s ranking of the ocean powers, the Republic of France comes in the second position, straight after the United States of America. This high and indeed precious position, both geostrategically and economically, affects its views toward the United Nations negotiations process on biological diversity beyond national jurisdiction.

Artykuł prezentuje wyniki analizy telewizyjnego orędzia prezydenta Francji Emmanuela Macrona z dnia 16 marca 2020 roku. Stanowi ono przyczynek do wskazania na znaczenie we współczesnym dyskursie politycznym odwoływania się do logiki strachu i poczucia zagrożenia. Analiza treści pozwoliła wskazać najważniejsze cechy retoryki strachu, jaka zdominowała prezydenckie przemówienie pełne sensacyjnych metafor i wojennych odniesień, będących doskonałym przykładem moralnej paniki w czasie kryzysu, w którym zwiększa się zapotrzebowanie na informację. Analizą dyskursu objęto leksykalne i składniowe środki językowe, gdzie niezwykle częste metafory wojenne dają możliwość manipulacji opinią społeczną i wdrażania koncepcji uodpowiedzialnienia obywateli.

French economic mission in Poland in 1929

The French economic mission that came to Poland in 1929, has two aims: to visit the General National Exhibition in Poznań and to check how the interests of French companies in Poland were going. At the same time the two countries signed economic contract.

Organized crime in Italy and its impact on organized crime in some European countries

This article presents some Italian criminal organizations that have expanded their activities outside Italy. The factors influencing the shaping of criminal groups are also presented and the history of selected groups of this type is described. The origins of the word mafia were made. Types of organized crime were presented. The directions of emigration of Italian groups were indicated.

The Guarantor or an Arbitrator? The Role of the President of the Republic of Poland in the Light of Art. 126 sec. 1 of the Polish Constitution

The author of the study claims that assigning the role of an arbitrator to the President of the Republic of Poland is incorrect. It is a misleading reference to the constitutional position of the President of the Fifth French Republic, who vests much stronger power. It deprives the function of the guarantor of the continuity of power, referred to in Art. 126 (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, of its content and systemic significance. The President of the Republic is not impartial and apolitical and takes part in the implementation of state policy. These features prevent him from taking a neutral position towards the participants in the conflict and from resolving it impartially. In addition, the Polish Constitution does not equip him with the appropriate competencies.

The Mali Federation may be perceived as one of the first African attempts at regional integration. After the Loi-cadre was enacted in 1959, the French colonies started their path toward independence, and they sought for cooperation. However, both views on the future relationship with the Fifth Republic and internal disputes over power distribution came as their most significant threats. The author analyses the idea and the creation of the Mali Federation, taking into consideration the political and historical factors. The aim of this paper is to present a general overview of one of the first and most important independence movements in West Africa. The federation was to consist initially of 4 states, but eventually, only 2 of them, i.e., French Sudan and Senegal, decided to adopt its constitution. Those two countries shared many similarities with each other; however, the lack of agreement between the parties prevented the effective functioning of the federation as a sovereign state. Although it existed only for two months, the Mali Federation marked the possibilities and the difficulties for the African cooperation and integration processes for the next decades.

The centralization, depoliticization and empowerment of judges in the French counter-terrorism system is an effective measure against terrorism, despite the fact, that it is controversial. The article will discuss the powers of the leading judicial bodies in the fight against terrorism, their advantages and disadvantages. The article emphasizes the thesis of the effectiveness of the anti-terrorism system in France, even though it is based on complex principles.

French colonial policy in West Africa

This article is an attempt to analyze French colonialism in West Africa. The author focuses on the characteristics of the colonial thought of Paris, and outlines the most important concepts (tools) necessary for the study of this issue. She also marks the influence of history on the current territorial division of the French Republic and spheres of influence in West Africa. The history of the former French colonies, both after gaining independence and at current time, is also presented, and the features of the contemporary politics of the former metropolis are outlined.

Constitutional Challenges to Counter – Terrorism in France: Legal and Political Implications

France, as one of the European countries with a long democratic tradition and strong legal institutions, faces many constitutional challenges in the context of the fight against terrorism. This issue is particularly relevant in the face of the series of terrorist attacks that have shaken the country in recent years, forcing the authorities to introduce numerous extraordinary measures. However, this process is burdened with constitutional complexities, in particular concerning fundamental rights and civil liberties. The aim of this article is to analyze the constitutional challenges and assess their legal and political implications. The article highlights the tension between the imperative of security and the protection of personal freedoms, as enshrined in the French Constitution and international human rights instruments. The article concludes that effectively dealing with constitutional challenges requires a dynamic and balanced approach that integrates the protection of national security with respect for human rights and the principles of the democratic rule of law.