The subject of the discussion below refers to the political situation in present-day Spain in the context of a broad systemic crisis (economic, political, values, leadership, discourse etc.). Moreover, it covers the media’s impact on the administrating elite who are also subject to the crisis. Th e research questions concern the nature of the interactions among the trifecta of political actors, the media and public opinion. The fundamental question is to what extent the crisis of political elites is a result of systemic dysfunction (a so called de-democratisation of political life) or an eff ect of the media’s activities, which have disclosed and publicised some of the dysfunctions of the above elites. This article will attempt to verify the hypothesis of the aforementioned de-democratisation process in Spain, the extent of the media presence in political life, and the mediatisation of their politics.

The text deals with the topic of civic political competence (civic competence) as an additional criterion of the quality of the democracy. It shows both theoretical aspects of this issue, identifying some specific elements of competence and the methodological problems of the research on civic competence. The article also includes reflections on the implementation of civic competence in the processes of deliberation.

Borderization in the politics of Georgian and South Ossetian power elites

The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to both the restoration of independent states and the emergence of entities with the status of unrecognized states. In the aftermath of the five-day Georgia-Russia conflict of August 2008, the borderization incidents have intensified. The process involves the installation of barbed fences along the Administrative Boundary Line (ABL) between Georgia and South Ossetia, and shifting border marks deep into the Georgia-controlled territory to transform the official ceasefire line into an international border by the Russian FSB border guards. The paper aims to examine how ‘borderization’ activities have affected the politics of Georgian and South Ossetian ruling elites. By becoming a part of the political and social debate, border incidents have allowed victimization the Georgian nation to be presented to the world. However, especially in 2012-2013, the two main political parties in Georgia differed in their perceptions of borderization. From South Ossetian perspective, in turn, the process has served as a manifestation of strengthening national identity, independence from Georgia, and above all, the belief in Ossetian statehood guaranteed by Russia’s military presence and the growing importance of the military elite. The methodology of the work is based on the case study approach, as well as critical analysis of literature, documents, web content and a review of archival materials. The paper also includes data obtained during the 2018 and 2019 field research in Abkhazia and in the IDPs camp in Shavshvebi, near the Georgian-Ossetian border.

The family, the opposition and power. The political career of Augustyn Gorzeński in 1764–1793

One of the major challenges faced by king Stanisław August in 1764-1793 was establishing his own political backing. According to some historians, during his tumultuous reign he managed to create and implement a new, informal model of public career. The article is based on conclusions drawn from analysed source material and confirms the scheme using the example of General Augustyn Gorzeński’s political career. He was Poznań Chamberlain and one of the most trusted royal advisors at the decline of the Polish Republic.

The aim of the article is to present an empirical contribution towards the research on the recruitment of political elites. It seeks to determine patterns by which candidates’ lists were composed in the 2010 regional assemblies election. It is descriptive and exploratory in nature and based on a case study containing a qualitative analysis of biographies of candidates that ran for seats. The scope of the research includes four national political parties: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS), Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD).

Influence of the Institution of the Electoral Quota on the Phenomenon of Female Rookie MPs in the Polish Parliament

This article presents the legal conditions for parity on electoral lists to the Polish Sejm and statistical data on „female rookie MPs” in the 21st century, in order to show whether the emergence of a statutory quota is a factor determining the increase in the percentage of female rookie MPs in the Sejm. Starting with a legal analysis, through to theoretically define „rookie MPs”, the authors shows a statistical analysis of election results, pointing to factors determining the scale of the phenomenon of new female MPs. The authors pose the following research questions: (1) Did the introduction of the statutory quota increase the proportion of female debutant MPs in successive terms of office? (2) Has the situation of female MPs on electoral lists changed over the statutory quota? The analysis carried out in this way made it possible to identify the factors determining the percentage of female MPs making their debut in the Sejm of subsequent terms, which are (1) the introduction of a statutory quota on electoral lists and (2) continuous, gradual improvement of the situation of debutant female MPs on electoral lists.