Społeczność międzynarodowa jest nieustannie zmuszana do konfrontacji z zagrożeniem ze strony islamskiego terroryzmu w różnych częściach świata, w tym w wielu częściach Afryki, jak np. w Nigerii, gdzie dżihadystowskie powstanie Boko Haram przekształciło się w konflikt regionalny. W przeszłości grupa była powszechnie określana jako sekta religijna, obecnie uznaje się ją za organizację terrorystyczną. Pomimo różnic w metodach działania jest porównywana do Al-Kaidy, Państwa Islamskiego i Talibów. Od marca 2015 roku należy do sieci prowincji Państwa Islamskiego, w związku ze złożeniem przysięgi wierności kalifowi Abu Bakrowi Al-Baghdadiemu. Niniejsza publikacja ma na celu przeanalizowanie fenomenu Boko Haram oraz połączenia jej ze zjawiskiem tworzenia samozwańczych kalifatów. Artykuł uwzględnia nigeryjską tożsamość religijną, etniczną i regionalną, aby wskazać oddziaływanie Boko Haram na bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe.

By May 29, 2019, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic and democracy had achieved an unprecedented 20 unbroken years of active partisan politics and representative democracy. The First Republic had lasted barely three years (1963-1966); the Second Republic and its democratic institutions lasted just four years (1979-1983) while the Third Republic (19921993) could barely hold its head for one year. Hence, by mid-2019, not many analysts have congratulated Nigeria for its longest democratic experience since its independence from Britain in 1960, but hardly did any of them identify the core reasons for such a sustained rule of democratic ethos for two decades. In this paper, we show the origin and practice of political parties in Nigeria. We argue that the country had succeeded in its Fourth Republic as a democratic country because its law and constitution together with the political culture of the people had permitted multiparty democracy by which governments had been formed, political inclusion and popular participation ensured, and public policies initiated. We also present an analysis of party politicking in the country from its beginning in 1923 and conclude that Nigeria has achieved meaningful and sustainable dividends of democracy in her Fourth Republic because of a maturing culture of partisan politics.

Historically, campaigns are recognized as a vital part of electioneering since it contains the ideas that the candidate wants to share with the voters, especially regarding policy issues and the administration’s focus. It aims to get those who agree with their ideas to support them when running for a political position. The message often consists of several talking points about policy issues. However, a study of Nigeria’s situation, with specific reference to the 2015 Campaigns and Electioneering, revealed that the main content of campaigns was hate speeches. Therefore, this paper seeks to bring out the main issues of campaigns in Nigeria’s electoral system and why it has often led to electoral violence over the years. The qualitative method is used for this particular research. Data obtained from primary and secondary sources were deployed to carry out the study with an analytical and narrative historical approach. It includes historical, descriptive, and analytical approaches based on gathered evidence. This research’s primary source is based on field investigations conducted in the Nigerian area and surrounding territories. Among other things, the data collection process includes semi-structured interviews with selected individuals. The research also uses historical documents from the national archives, relying on previous research conducted on society, administrative development, and documentary data taken from newspaper accounts, diaries, letters, and verbal reports. This research’s position is that campaigns over the years in Nigeria, unlike what is obtainable in some parts of the world where policy issues form the backbone of campaign message have basically on persons, character assassination, violence, and abusive (hate) speeches. The paper argues that this campaign strategy often leads to electoral violence before, during, and after elections. The paper, therefore, concludes that only issue-based campaigns can guarantee peaceful and credible elections in Nigeria.

The inclusiveness of education drives sustainable public relations for reliable crime statistics report is determined by power play among critical actors in the sector whose interest are dichotomized into vested and entrenched interests that shaped public opinion on education and crime rate. Access to education can only be inclusive when all stakeholders are involved in its planning, execution and delivery of knowledge in a manner that does not discriminate in access and delivery. However, there is a disconnect between what knowledge is allowed to feed public opinion using public relations by the entrenched and vested interest in the education and law enforcement sectors. While clamor for inclusive education heighten across social class, the cost component of access is not accessible to all. Therefore, the paper argues that deepening equity and inclusiveness in education and law enforcement will neither allow access discrimination nor spurious reportage within the public domain using public relations. It further posits that disparage public opinion on education and law enforcement using public relation mutilate reality and creates false impression that negatively affect planning and development. Edwin Sutherland (1947)`s Differential Association-reinforcement theory of criminal behavior provided the framework while the design was exploratory. Qualitative data was purposively gathered from National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), University of Abuja (UA), and Divisional Police Headquarters Lugbe. The preliminary fi ndings reveal that equity and inclusive education is necessary sustain objective public relation that will not misguide professional and public on crime statistics in Nigeria.

This study investigated women, migration, decent work and vulnerabilities in Africa. Essentially, it is on record that for the last few years more female migrants have been migrating independently for work, education and as heads of households. Despite these improvements, female migrants may still face stronger discrimination, are more vulnerable to mistreatment, and can experience double discrimination as both migrants and as women in their host country in comparison to male migrants. Nonetheless, male migrants are also exposed to vulnerabilities in the migration processes. For example, records have it that every day, women across Libya who have been subjected to forced marriages, sexual abuse, and other dire situations, leave their home countries for the prospect of a better life and with longing for Europe’s safety, they are willing to face an equally perilous route ahead, with the constant risk of being returned to Libyan detention centres, where they are abused, starved, and tortured (Palmucci, 2021). It is based on this that this study was carried out using investigative analysis of women victims who are presently returnees to their home country (Nigeria). Through identified women returnees from some of these countries, most especially Libya, 15 women returnees interacted to share their experiences while outside the country for greener pastures. These 15 women returnees were able to link the authors of this study to other 29 women returnees to Nigeria in the last three to two years.

Plastic pollution has emerged as a significant environmental and public health concern globally, with detrimental effects on ecosystems, human health, and socio-economic development. One way to a safer global environment is encouraging rural communities to manage solid waste and reduce plastic pollution. This study aims to explore the environmental governance and political economy of plastic pollution management in rural communities of Ogun State, Nigeria. By examining the interactions between governance structures, political actors, and socio-economic factors, the study seeks to provide insights into the challenges and opportunities associated with plastic waste management in rural areas. The study employs a mixed-methods approach, combining qualitative and quantitative data collection methods, to obtain comprehensive and detailed findings. The results of the study indicate divergent interests among stakeholders regarding the management of plastic pollution and environmental concerns in rural communities of the Ijebu region in Ogun State, Nigeria. The research emphasizes the importance of supporting community-led environmental initiatives that adhere to established environmental guidelines for effective solid waste management, with particular emphasis on plastic waste, in rural areas of Nigeria.

The adoption of smart card technology in various parts of Africa has reduced electoral malpractices, resulting in election credibility and acceptability. However, its use in Nigeria’s electoral process is believed to have downsides. The paper investigates how adopting smart card technology reduced electoral malpractices during the 2019 presidential election, making it more transparent, credible, and reliable than the traditional technique. It uncovers the flaws of the technology in Nigeria, including card reader malfunction, delays in accreditation and voting, the inability of the INEC staff to operate the technology efficiently during voting, and election postponement, among others. It is therefore recommended that the INEC improve public awareness of the use of the technology and train its staff.

Almost five decades have passed since after the Nigerian civil war that claimed closed to five million lives between Nigerian and Biafran separatists. Yet, rather than learn lessons learnt to forestall peace, it is worrisome that the escalation of terror against state and its institutions has taken heightened dimensions at various times. It is this worry that gave vent to this theoretical paper that utilizes content analysis to explore relevant parameters that are factorial to this dangerous escalation of terror in Nigeria particularly targeting its institutions as helpless soft targets for attack. Consequently, the paper questioned institutional alienation, inequality, and unhealthy politicization of religion and education as largely responsible for the increasing terror attacks. Drawing from these insights, the paper using induction and deduction tools, outlined major ways forward in addressing the menace of terror. Inclusive governance, income redistribution, secularism as a functional state policy and liberalization of access to education according literature, were strong factors that point to solutions that can lead productive engagement and inclusive involvement in governance and decision-making process in order to ultimately encourage the de-escalation of terror attacks against state and its institutions.