Od 1979 roku reżim irański jest w zasadniczym konfl ikcie ze światem Zachodu, a szczególnie z USA i Wielką Brytanią oraz Izraelem. W tak długim okresie dochodziło do okresowych zmian, z którymi administracja USA wiązała pewne nadzieje. Niemniej jednak, mimo chwilowych okresów pozornej odwilży w stosunkach dwustronnych, za każdym razem następował powrót do tradycyjnej wrogości między Islamską Republiką Iranu a USA. Jednocześnie społeczeństwo irańskie jest narażone na nieustanne represje ze strony władz. Zachodzi więc zasadnicze pytanie, w jaki sposób i czy w ogóle Zachód, a przede wszystkim USA jako mocarstwo globalne, o największym potencjale militarno-operacyjnym pozwalającym na oddziaływanie w każdym rejonie świata, powinny reagować na sytuację i wydarzenia w Iranie.
Celem artykułu jest poddanie analizie charakteru oraz sposobów działania najważniejszych irańskich grup opozycyjnych, a także ich znaczenia dla programu politycznego USA zawartego w tzw. doktrynie Obamy (2009). Analiza najważniejszych grup opozycyjnych pozwoli na określenie stopnia możliwej ich współpracy z USA, jak i ich potencjału do sprawowania władzy w Iranie w sposób jak najbardziej demokratyczny.

Opposition activity and socio-political concepts of Jan Lityński

The purpose of this article is to introduce Jan Lityński, Polish oppositionist active from late ‘60s to 1989 and to describe his beliefs and opinions about politics, society and his environment. Lityński became an oppositionist against communist government as a student at University of Warsaw and was involved in events known as “March 1968” which led to his imprisonment and made continuing his education impossible. But despite this, Lityński remained in the opposition until the collapse of the communist regime in Poland. He collaborated with the most prominent members of the opposition and wrote texts on political and social issues for various periodicals published in the illegal circulation. As a member of KOR and “Solidarność”, he lost his freedom many times but never let himself be broken or to betray his beliefs. In 1989 he took part in Polish Round Table Agreements that led to the change of the political system. This article was written based on Lityński’s publications from the 1980s and things he wrote and said years after those events. Other sources of information were interviews conducted with Lityński and statements made about him by associates from the opposition period.

The „Shadow Cabinet” in the Westminster System of Government

The „shadow cabinet” appointed by the largest opposition party in the House of Commons is an integral part of the Westminster system of government. The practice of its creation originated in the UK in the second half of the 19th century, where it underwent a significant evolution linked to the coordination of the opposition’s strategy enabling it to become a government cabinet, as well as to the official recognition of the position of opposition party leader, who since 1937 has received a fixed salary. The modern and at the same time permanent appointment of shadow ministers who are at the same time spokespersons of the opposition on specific ministerial issues dates back to the long Conservative Party governments (1951–1964) against which the Labour Party formulated an official „shadow cabinet”. The aim of this article was to show the genesis of the „shadow cabinet”, to define its tasks and functions in the Westminster model of parliamentary-cabinet government.

The author analyzed the issue of the impact of international standards on the relationship between the parliamentary majority and the minority. Although the regulation of these issues is the sovereign attribute of the state, international organizations may influence this sphere as a consequence of the obligations arising from membership. The protection of opposition rights is included in the axiological systems of both the European Union and the Council of Europe. Of particular importance here will be the implementation of the document of the Venice Commission, which contains a checklist of requirements that should be implemented to ensure proper relations between the parliamentary majority and minority. Although this document is only the so-called “soft law”, so it is not legally binding, it should be implemented into the political practice of the member states of the Council of Europe.