The article concerns the constitutional position and political role of the President of the Republic of Poland. Though the Author concentrates on the current constitution of Poland, that entered info force in 1997, he also reviews all the constitutions (and important amendments to these constitutions) that were adopted over the last century, so after Poland had restored its sovereignty in 1918.
The analysis is concentrated not only on the constitutional position and political role of the Polish president, but also on the way he was (and is) elected. The Author tries to prove a thesis that the actual political position of the head in the state in Poland depended and still depends not only on constitutional provisions, but also on specific political circumstances, and even the character and personality of the people holding this office.

Separation of powers is one of the most basic principles democratic states are based on. Still, there is No. common standpoint what exactly separation of powers means. The present essay examines the ideas of Rousseau, Marxist scholars and some modern theorists concerning separation of powers and checks and balances mechanisms that exist in the legal system. The author analyses as well how the different powers balance each other in practice.

Chairman of the Government in the Czech Republic - Evolution of Political System and Constitutional Practice

The article discusses the evolution of the political position of heads of government in the Czech Republic. Time censures are between 1992 and 2019. The institution of the Prime Minister has become a real instrument of political power for the leaders of political groups in the country discussed. The parliamentary model of government in force in the Czech Republic assumes close cooperation between the legislative and executive authorities. The analysis includes both the constitutional regulations and political practice of the last nearly 30 years.

The article analyses modern populism as a challenge to liberal democracy in terms of the activities of right-wing and left-wing political parties. An important factor in the growth of populism is the lack of effectiveness of constitutionalism and other formal limited institutions, procedures to ensure the principles of people’s sovereignty, democracy, justice, guarantee the interests of the majority in the modern world. It is noted that populism emerged in the late 19th century as a social movement, ideology, and political activity, and since then has firmly taken its place in the political consciousness of the masses, gaining new features and intensifying at times when countries are experiencing turning points in their history. The main factors in the growth of populism include the insufficient effectiveness of the institutions of indirect democracy in modern consolidated democracies. Another reason for the rise of populism is related to the tendency of ideological deradicalization, which manifested itself in the activities of different parties. Today, populism does not have a developed fundamental theoretical background and conceptual texts like nationalism and conservatism. However, it has a holistic structure as a political phenomenon and a set of ideological positions. The goal of modern populism is the introduction of “illiberal democracy” – a government that ensures smooth transformation of people’s preferences into public policy (unlike liberal democracies, which are almost always hindered by certain obstacles to responding effectively to pressing problems). From this point of view, populism is not a threat to democracy as such, but the leading liberal version of democracy. The possibilities of constitutionalism are treated with scepticism in the populist ideology, as formal, limited institutions and procedures prevent the majority from executing their will. Liberal democracy is not strong enough and constantly needs strengthening elements in response to new challenges and threats. But liberal democracy, more than any other political form, contains the potential for development, a synergistic resource, and the power of self-correction. A strong parliament and a developed civil society remain effective counterweight to populism.

Everything has already been done, i.e. the heritage of the Polish parliamentarism of the 20th century

The Article is an attempt to evaluate the experiences of Polish parliamentarism in the twentieth century. The author analyzes Polish constitutional regulations and parliamentary practice, with a particular focus on the solutions adopted in the years 1919–1935, as well the impact of these regulations on the evolution of Polish parliamentarism after the Second World War, also taking into account the current political experiences. The analysis leads the author to the conclusion, that the contemporary defects of the system of parliamentary government are to a large extent the result of the historical experiences of Polish parliamentarism.

Legislation on Family Fideicommissa in the Second Polish Republic

The article describes the creation and content of legal regulations in the Second Polish Republic regarding a special institution, which were family fideicommissa (entails), called in Poland ordynacje rodowe – indivisible estates in the hands of aristocratic families, excluded from the general principles of inheritance, with restrictions in the field of, i.a., disposition and charging. The author proves that the legislation in this respect was influenced by the then agrarian policy and attempts to regulate the land reform. Family laws were perceived in particular as a relic of feudalism contrary to the constitutional order and a policy aimed at basing the agricultural structure on middle and small property and thus raising the social and economic status of the poor masses of Polish peasants. The author describes political postulates in this regard, successive legal acts created by the legislature and the accompanying parliamentary discussions.

Royal instructions for the pre-sejm assemblies from the reign of Michał I and Jan III

The article is about the source analysis of royal services for pre-sejm assemblies with the help of multidimensional analyzes, statistical and comparative research. Therefore, it shows the documents from the reign of Michał I and Jan III in depth.