The article concerns selected problems in the bilateral cooperation between Poland and Romania in 2009–2017. The study attempts to identify the challenges these countries face and how they take action in this regard. The article presents the problem of political and economic cooperation between Poland and Romania in the examined period of time. Issues such as cooperation in the area of external security, energy security or cooperation within the framework of the Three Seas Initiative were discussed. It is important that the joint activities undertaken by Romania and Poland contribute to increasing the attractiveness of the region of Central and Eastern Europe.

Koncepcja centrum i peryferii dotyczy opisu wybranego fragmentu otaczającej rzeczywistości za pomocą modelu asymetrycznych stosunków przestrzennych zachodzących w różnych sferach życia: społecznej, gospodarczej, politycznej, militarnej, kulturowej i innych – charakteryzujących zależność obszarów peryferyjnych od dominującego centrum. Bukowina bez wątpienia spełnia kryteria centrum w kwestii koncentracji życia społeczno-kulturowego mniejszości polskiej w Rumunii. Kolejny atrybut „polskiej” Bukowiny jako przyszłego centrum to rozwój na terenie regionu zróżnicowanej, w tym wysoce specjalistycznej, infrastruktury usługowej, głównie o charakterze turystyczno-hotelarskim. Jest wreszcie Bukowina miejscem koncentracji części polskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego. Z drugiej strony Bukowina to peryferie, głównie w ujęciu geograficzno-politycznym i administracyjnym. Jednak kresowość tego regionu skutkuje szczególnymi cechami miejscowej mniejszości polskiej, charakterystycznymi dla tego typu społeczności.

Territorial and cultural autonomies in Transylvania. The pursuit and interpretations

The article presents the endeavours on the part of the multi-national and multicultural population living in Transylvania to create, within a span of several centuries, various types of autonomies, be it cultural or territorial.

This paper presents the results of our research related to the motivation of the adults when learning. Our analysis is focused on the comparison of the motivational features of adults learning process in four Eastern and Central European countries (Hungary, Romania, Slovakia, Ukraine). The research is based on a qualitative survey. We used questionnaire of our design to learn about their motivation to participate in trainings, their interest and the possible hindrances. The subjects of the study are adult learners from the mentioned countries (N=556) who were in contact with the research partner institutions. Our results show that the majority of the respondents looked for pragmatic opportunities in learning useful for work and life, but also wanted to develop their interests and expand their knowledge. No country-specific characteristics were found, and potential differences were only observable in some cases.

Under the current conditions of expanding globalization, the role of cross-border cooperation in the life of regions and communities is growing and new opportunities are opening up to intensify economic activity in peripheral areas and increase their competitiveness. Cross-border cooperation is aimed at overcoming the negative aspects of the existence of borders and the consequences that have arisen in the border areas due to their location on the national outskirts of states and aims to improve living conditions. Among the main goals of such cooperation are: overcoming existing stereotypes and prejudices on both sides of the border; removing political and administrative barriers between neighboring nations; creation of economic, social and cultural infrastructure, subject to the formation of joint bodies, economic entities, centers, etc. The article describes the main aspects of cross-border cooperation between Romania, Moldova and Ukraine. Romania is an important partner for the countries of Eastern Europe and, as one of the youngest EU countries, has considerable experience that could help partner countries to carry out effective socio- economic reforms and fight corruption. Ukraine-Romania- Moldova cross-border cooperation is part of the European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument and plays an important role in developing mutually beneficial relations between states, addressing socio-economic, environmental and security issues, and is an effective means of Ukraine’s European integration. The Joint Action Plan “Ukraine-Romania- Moldova” 2007–2013 of the European Instrument has significantly affected the revival of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine, Romania, Moldova, especially the cooperation of local and regional authorities, communities and civil society institutions. During the program, more than 140 projects were implemented, which contributed to the development of transport infrastructure in border areas, energy networks, water and waste management, funded projects for cooperation between universities, research institutes and local authorities. There are positive dynamics of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and Romania, in particular, important infrastructure projects are being implemented under the “Joint Black Sea Basin Joint Operational Program 2014–2020” and EU Joint Operational Program Romania-Ukraine 2014–2020”.

Referendum Votes in Romania – Success or Failure of Direct Democracy?

In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the institution of a referendum is the most popular tool of direct democracy used in the decision-making process. We can see the extension of the scope of issues that are put to the vote, in addition to traditional issues, the subject of a referendum are issues that strongly polarize public opinion and evoke significant emotions. The article presents the political practice of referendum votes in Romania. In the years 1991–2019, eight votes were held on the most important issues of public life, including the recall of the president twice Traiana Băsescu. The matters put to the vote to a large extent result from the existing conflicts in the ruling camp, between the president and the government and parliament, as well as from party rivalry and preferred issues consistent with the party’s programs and social expectations.

Polish diplomatic representatives in Romania in the years 1918–1940 Part II 1923–1940

Polish representatives in Bucharest in the interwar period were – what is obvious – executors of the Polish government’s foreign policy, formulated by the successive Ministers of Foreign Affairs. They had to act within that framework. In exceptional circumstances were Linde and Koźmiński, who happened to act in conditions of nonexistence of a single center shaping Polish foreign policy and they often had to demonstrate creativity, without any directives coming from the top. To a certain extent in a similar situation was Raczyński, who also had to act independently, in a state of necessity – as he claimed – ignoring the supremacy of the Minister of Foreign Affairs interned in Romania. Effective professionals efficiently performing the tasks allocated to them were Wielowieyski, Szembek and Arciszewski. Jurjewicz was perceived as much less energetic. His relatively low activity on the position of the envoy, however, was largely derived from minister Seyda’s passive policy towards Romania. Undoubtedly, the most prominent Polish diplomat in Bucharest was Alexander Skrzyński. He not only performed his duties of the representative of the Republic of Poland with the invention but he also showed his own initiative, when Poland was in extremely difficult war situation in 1919–1920.

Poland’s Diplomatic Representatives in Romania, 1918–1940. Part 1: 1918–1940

Polish politicians had appreciated the importance of relations with Romania since the beginning of the independent Poland, indicating the need for close political and economic cooperation with that country which would serve to resist the Soviet expansion in Central and Eastern Europe. The establishment of official diplomatic relations between Poland and Romania proved to be a rather complex process. It was essentially affected by the lack of agreement between the two centers competing for leadership in Poland, that is the authorities in Warsaw and the Polish National Committee (KNP) in Paris. It was manifested by keeping in Bucharest their own representatives, more or less tolerated by the Romanian, the so-called Legation headed by Marian Linde and the delegate of KNP Stanisław Koźmiński. In the end, Alexander Skrzyński was appointed the envoy of the Republic of Poland and officially recognized by the Romanian authorities. The establishment of official diplomatic relations did not mean, however, immediate rapprochement between the two countries. It was a process lasting almost two years which, thanks to the merits of Alexander Skrzyński, was crowned by signing the Polish-Romanian alliance in March 1921. The next stage consisted of the efforts to strengthen and extend this alliance made by Skrzyński as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Paweł Jurjewicz – his successor to the position of chargé d’affaires, and then an envoy in Bucharest. The process was slowed down by the inept policy of Marian Seyda, the next foreign minister of Poland.

The fall of Communism in the Central and Eastern European countries in the year 1989, was a historical change had occurred after the demise of communism. The decline of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 was one of the most important proceedings of the period: the conclusive end of the Cold War and the Iron Curtain. After the disintegration of the former USSR, the Eastern bloc had started the modernisation of institutions and adopted the norms of democracy. The third wave of democratisation of Samuel P. Huntington’s theory would apply the democratic changes in Central and Eastern Europe and Romania as well. It traces the discussions and opinions of institutional and political development in Romania with special attention to the events around 1989 Post-communism and Eastern enlargement of the European Union. The paper assesses the role of the European Union to promote democratization through Eastern neighbour policy. The paper broadly discusses the institutional and political development in Romania and the role of Copenhagen criteria and the country’s accession to the EU in early 2007. The result of this article is that Romania has successfully integrated into the European Union but that democratization is declining in the country.

Romania and the alliance with Poland 1918–1921. The article presents Romania’s stance on the alliance with Poland in 1918–1921. Bucharest’s interest in concluding such an agreement resulted mainly from the assessment of the Soviet threat to Romania.

After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Romania faced the imminent threat of an escalation of the armed conflict. The geographical proximity of military operations caused this, as the Black Sea location and the self-proclaimed republic of Transnistria located in neighboring Moldova. For this reason, Romania, like other European countries, faced the consequences of the outbreak of war and met economic, political, and military challenges. After the outbreak of war, the Romanian government had to take appropriate steps to help Ukraine and Ukrainian refugees who crossed the border into Romania. Although Romania adopted a distant attitude towards Ukraine, it did not block any aid projects and acted following NATO’s strategic actions. The outbreak of war in Ukraine contributed to rapid changes in the scope of the Romanian army. Several decisions were made to purchase new equipment and strengthen the armed forces.

The purpose of this study is to discuss the struggle between the prime minister and the president to exercise legislative and executive power. According to the constitution of Romania, there is a clear division of power between the President and the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister is the head of government but the President also plays a key role in the country. There are many examples of interference in legislative work by the President of Romania. The paper discusses power sharing between the legislative and executive power of the Prime minister and the President of Romania. Because of the semi-presidential system in the country, the President of Romania has equal legislative power as the Prime minister. This has in practice led to major contradictions in the functioning of the Romanian political system. The paper analyses the substantial power that the Constitution vests the President with affects the Prime Minister’s role in the country. That is why Romania’s democratic journey has been one of power struggle between the President and the Prime Minister. Apart from the many conflicts between the President and Prime Minister, there is a massive debate on corruption which has also critically affected institution-building in this new democracy. There are discussions about the pillar of democratic bodies which is fragile and lacks trust in political institutions.