The end of special relationships between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia?

The Saudi special relationships with the U.S., unlike that of the U.S. with Israel, are mutually beneficial. Saudi Arabia sells about 10 million barrels of oil a day and all those transactions are denominated in American dollars, which helps that currency to perform the role of the currency of account (world, s currency) and has been of crucial help to the American ambition to dominate the global economy. On the other hand the United States did its part to uphold the relationship be granting the security to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf oil states. This was demonstrated for example in 1990 during Iraqi attack on Kuwait, that also menaced Saudi Arabia. At that time the U.S. deployed 400,000 troops in Saudi Arabia and expelled Iraqi troops from Kuwait. The priority of American foreign policy in that region has been to keep Gulf oil in friendly hands. Since the increase of the production of shale oil in the United States that priority has been less important. Another factor which has exerted an influence on the nature of the U.S.-Saudi relationship was the signing the permanent agreement with Iran in July 2015 on the limitation of the Iranian nuclear program and normalization of political-economic relations with the West. This has led to further worsening of the U.S.-Saudi Arabia alliance which has always been like a ”marriage of convenience” where behind the façade of friendship and harmony there is cold calculation of benefi ts and losses. That alliance will last as long as the potential benefi ts will still be bigger than possible losses.

Politics of Saudi Arabia and the United States against the civil war in Syria – a convergence or divergence of interests?

The policy of Saudi Arabia and the United States towards Syria since 2011 is full of paradoxes. On the one hand, both countries are in favor of overthrowing the regime of Bashar al-Assad and reducing the influence of Iran and Russia in Syria, but on the other hand there are discrepancies in the approach of Washington and Riyad to the Syrian question, which was particularly visible during the presidency of Barack Obama. The issue of financing the opposition groups fighting in Syria, but most of all the problem of launching land intervention in a war-stricken country was among the contentious issues. The Kingdom, as an advocate of intervention, has repeatedly called on Washington to take more decisive steps to overthrow al-Assad and combat the so-called Islamic State. However, the other problems facing the White House and Riyadh, which affect the solution of the Syrian question, are nowadays a priority in the policies of the United States and Saudi Arabia, in contrast to the war in Syria.

Relations Chechen-Saudi (august 1997–february 2007)

In the article, the author presented the most important events relations of Chechen-Saudian from the middle of 1999 to February 2007. The author showed how politics looked like for example during presidency of Aslan Maskhadov’s, Ahmat Kadyrov’s.

Saudi Arabia: Stories of Selected Epidemics and Royal Prerogative in the Fight against Coronavirus

In the text, the author presents shows a short history of epidemics that took place in Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and also discusses political decisions and a possible fight with epidemic of coronavirus. After analyzing the most important sources and information on the topic of coronavirus, the author proposes a thesis that Saudi Arabia is ready for an epidemic of coronavirus diseases.

Until 2011, Salafimovement held itself aloof from politics. However, Arab Spring resulted in an opportunity to create their own political parties. Egyptian Salafists were the first to follow this path after the fall of the Hosni Mubarak regime. The emergence of these parties proved to be beneficial for the development of Arab democracy. By their convictions, the Salafists are extremely conservative and more radical than the Muslim Brotherhood. Despite its conservatism, the political force used peaceful means to fight for change, attracted a significant part of Arab society to participate in legal politics, and also added diversity to the spectrum of Islamist parties, preventing any one force from claiming that it represented the entire Muslim community. But soon the rise in popularity of jihadist organizations, which call to fight for the implementation of Islamist ideas not by legal political, but by violent methods, undermined the influence of Salafiparties. In addition, discrediting of the Salafimovement was largely influenced by Saudi policy, the main purpose of which was to counter the Muslim Brotherhood inside Egypt. As a result, most of the ultra-conservative forces became Wahhabi, which led to discord within the Egyptian Salafists. The one part of the movement, which continued to support the Brothers, suffered a political defeat with them after the 2013 military coup. The other part, which sided with the military elite, as a result of these actions completely lost support among the population. This article analyzes the process of the Salafimovement entering the political arena in Egypt, the dynamics of its relations with the Muslim Brotherhood and the ideological differences between them. The article also examines the influence of Saudi Arabia on Egyptian Salafism and explains the main differences between Salafism and Wahhabism in the context of this influence.

The Obesity Phenomenon in Saudi Arabia and the Monarch’s Prerogative of King Salman. Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow

The paper presents obesity noticeable in Saudi Arabia. The historical and present condition is indicated, as well as the forecast for the following years. It shows what political instruments the Saudi king currently has in the fight against this phenomenon and what were the political movements of previous kings in this matter.

The United States and Saudi Arabia in the light of ‘Abd ar-Raḥman Munīf’s City of Salt and Dave Eggers’ Hologram for King – a question about the costs of economic progress

The article analyzes two literary works: At-Tīh (The Lost), the first part of the five-volume Mudun al-milḥ (Cities of Salt, 1984–1989) series by Saudi writer ‘Abd ar-Raḥmān Munīf, and the novel A Hologram for the King (2012) by American writer Dave Eggers. The plot of both novels is set in Saudi Arabia. Both works are interesting studies of the mechanisms behind economic expansion and the impact of technological progress on the societies of the particular regions. However, both novels are characterized by a different historical and cultural perspective. Saudi Arabia illustrated in Minīf’s novel at the beginning of the oil age appears to be a completely different political and economic formation than the modern wealthy Saudi Kingdom illustrated in Eggers’ novel. The position of American capital and industry in the world economy in the first half of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century is also different. The geopolitical situation has also changed over the past decades: a new major player – China – has emerged among the economic powers. Despite these differences the analysis of both novels shows that the mechanisms ruling economic expansion remain unchanged and its costs to societies and individuals are difficult to assess. Both works also raise questions about the extent of modernization processes and cultural transformation, as well as the persistence of values, behavior patterns and thought patterns, which reveal their presence especially where the confrontation between the Eastern and Western World takes place.

Disabled People in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Yesterday and Today

The paper indicates the historical and contemporary case of people with disabilities in one of the richest countries in the world, Saudi Arabia. From the very beginning (September 1932), Saudi Arabia has remembered, supported, and financed the rehabilitation of disabled people with various life dysfunctions. Year by year, the situation of people with disabilities has been improving, thanks to extensive rehabilitation and education programmes for educating children with disabilities.

Middle East countries towards Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2022. The position of Israel, Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran

The Middle East is particularly vulnerable to armed conflicts and other acts of aggression due to its ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. The war in Ukraine poses a political and economic challenge to the Middle East states, as follows from various diplomatic relations between them and the Russian Federation and Ukraine. After February 24, 2022, the leaders and governments of the Middle East countries issued a series of statements in which they tried to express their position on the declaration of independence of the separatist Lugansk and Donetsk People’s Republics and the invasion of Ukraine. Among the countries of the Middle East that have expressed their position on the armed conflict in Ukraine, it is particularly worth paying attention to Israel, Saudi Arabia and Iran. These three states constitute the largest political, economic and military forces in the region and a different approach to relations with the Russian Federation as the main factor shaping their position on the armed conflict in Europe