‘The EU towards international criminal tribunals. Genesis, Concept and Practice of Cooperation’ is a study that focuses on the important research question of the broad and multi-aspectual problem of criminal tribunals on the international arena. This has been tackled in many Polish and foreign publications, however, to date no work has studied the EU cooperation with the three international criminal tribunals – two ad hoc ones and a permanent one. Therefore, it is necessary to recognise the ambitious and pioneering task and venture that the chosen research field is highly appropriate not only if one casts an eye at the monograph title, but foremost the case put forward in the introductory part.

The present article is an attempt to answer the question about the position of the principle of respect for constitutional identities of Member States and its impact on the application of EU law in the national legal order. For this purpose three areas will be considered.
Firstly, the analysis of the principle of respect for national identity in EU law and in the case law of the Court of Justice will be conducted.
Secondly, the principle of competence entrusted to the EU will be analysed, together with its interpretation at the EU level.
Thirdly, the understanding of the notion of constitutional identity in the case law of Constitutional Courts of selected Member States will be considered.
It proved that the principle of respect for constitutional identity is treated both at national and EU level as an integral part of the concept of “national identity”. The national identity has a broad meaning and refers to values that are cherished by a particular nation, which it considers to be an element distinguishing that nation from other nations. The constitutional identity narrows the scope and concentrates on the constitutional achievements, the expression of the legal culture and the achievements of the political thought of the nation, which were shaped by the history of a given nation. These two aspects jointly determine the position of the state and nation in international relations. The principle of respect for national identity is one of the constitutional principles of the EU. On one hand, it implies the EU’s duty to undertake activities which do not affect national identity, including constitutional identity, of Member States. On the other hand, it obligates it to ensure the diversity of Member States.

The aim of the article is to present legal regulations and practice of adopting laws adapting Polish law to the law of the European Union. From the date of accession, the Republic of Poland is obliged to constantly monitor the law created within the European Union, to check the national provisions of law for compatibility with those of the EU and, if necessary, to adapt them to Community standards.
The necessity to fulfill the commitments undertaken by Poland has resulted not only in the change of the law content, but also of the legislative procedures.

Norwegia i Islandia to dwa państwa mocno zintegrowane z Unią Europejską (UE), pomimo iż nie są jej członkami. Przede wszystkim wynika to z faktu, iż są one zobowiązane do stosowania część prawodawstwa UE. Z jednej strony, jako członkowie Europejskiego Obszaru Gospodarczego, państwa te stosują akty prawa tworzące rynek wewnętrzny UE oraz akty odnoszące się do większości innych polityk UE zaliczanych w przeszłości do jej pierwszego filara; z drugiej natomiast, jako państwa stowarzyszone z systemem Schengen, podlegają obowiązkowi stosowania przepisów UE w zakresie przekraczania granic i azylu. Artykuł ten analizuje mechanizmy i procedury wykorzystywane w celu umożliwienia tym dwóm państwom stosowania prawodawstwa UE oraz mające gwarantować jego właściwe stosowanie. Rozpatruje ponadto zakres prawa UE, które Norwegia i Islandia zobowiązane są stosować oraz stopień wywiązywania się przez nie z tego obowiązku.

The two European referendums of 1975 and 2016 are examined in their historical, political and constitutional context. The paper provides a short account of United Kingdom’s accession and participation in the European Union. The uneasy relationship with the EU is shown, with reference to political process of negotiating Britain’s position in the Union. Some political, economic and cultural factors that have shaped British attitudes towards European integration are analysed. A legislative framework for both referendums is described and the dynamics of pre-referendum debates and campaigns are discussed. The political implications of ‘Leave’ vote (in favour of Brexit) are indicated. Finally, certain constitutional and legal issues surrounding UK withdrawal from the EU are considered, also in the context of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty.

Regulation to the act as a potential instrument to transposition EU law

The aim of article is to analyze the possibility of a formal transposition of EU law into the legal system of the Republic of Polish by national regulations. The principle is the transposition of EU law by means of laws. Nevertheless, there is a need to consider the possibility of making the transposition process by other national laws. The only regulation as the executive act remains within the framework of the Poland’s current system, appropriate features. However, the transposition by the regulation remains subsidiary to the transposition by the law.

Representation of the Member States in the European Council in the context of political principles

The article presents the principle of institutional representation in force in the EU in relation to the members of the European Council. The purpose of this article was the analysis of the principles for the participation of the Member States in the European Council, which was presented on the basis of their constitutional regulations. The first document of the European Communities, which regulates the composition of the European Council, was the Single European Act. Subsequent reform treaties complemented and modified the board of the institution. The article analyzes the conditions for the representation of Member States in the European Council by the heads of governments or states, based on the constitutional principles of the representative Members. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the choice of a representative in the European Council belongs to the exclusive competence of the EU Member States. This choice is largely conditioned by the principles of the political system – the form of government and political system in force in the Member State concerned. A vast majority – twenty-two EU member states are represented in the European Council by the heads of their governments. Four Member States are represented by their heads of state, while the Federal Chancellor is the representative of two Member States in the European Council. Each change in terms of the political system of a Member State can be made only on the grounds of constitutional provisions.

The evolution of the European Parliament as an institution in the legislation of the European Union and the status of its members – selected issues

The article presents the evolution of the mandate of a Member of Parliament from the beginning of its development as an institution of the European Union. PE began to take shape already in 1949 due to the changes that followed as a result of the formation of the European Communities.It is believed that, its benchmark was a Consultation Assembly of the Council of Europe which was brought into being in 1949. Moreover, its beginnings can be associated with Paris Treaty signed on 18 April 1951. Under this treaty the European Union of Coal and Steel was created. European Parliament Deputies` status was assigned by the Decision of Council of the European Union concerning an election of members of the European Parliament in general elections (76/787/EWWiS, EWG, Euratom), Protocol on the Privileges and Immunities of the European Communities, the Regulations of the European Parliament and the European Parliament decision on the adoption of the status of Members of the European Parliament. The purpose of this article is to show the changes that have since the beginning of the formation of the EP followed in EU legislation, in relation to the EP and how legislation is shaped mandate of its members. The basic thesis of this article is how the process of evolution PE over the years, has changed its position in the EU institutional system, and how over the years, regulated the issue of the mandate and status of its deputies. The article is also of evolutionary political position of the EP and the status of its members. The analysis, applicable to several common problems associated with the evolution of EU legislation, the institution of free mandate of MEP over the years.

Techniques of the implementation of Council of the  European Union framework decisions regarding  substantive criminal law into the Polish legal order

The purpose of this paper is the presentation of issues connected with the implementation of framework decisions regarding substantive criminal law into the Polish legal order. The paper is composed of two basic parts. In the introduction is described the most significant legal instrument of the III pillar, implementing the harmonisation of the criminal law of the member states, that is the framework decisions. In the main part are presented examples of the implementation of chosen framework decisions in Polish law – the Framework Decision 2002/475/JHA on combating terrorism and the Framework Decision 2005/222/ JHA on attacks on against information systems. Certainly the choice is not casual. The author endeavours to present two extreme models of implementing of framework decisions: a method of implementation consisting in transfer of legal rules, with the aim of inserting created norms into the Polish legal order and the contrary one of rewriting the content of the implemented framework decision without any reflection.

W Europie obserwujemy zjawisko renesansu nacjonalizmu. Zauważalny jest wyraźnie wzrost znaczenia partii odwołujących się do kategorii narodu i interesu narodowego. Niektórzy mówią wręcz o trzeciej fali nacjonalizmu po okresie nacjonalizmu demokratycznego z lat 1789–1870 i niedemokratycznego z okresu od 1886 do 1945 r., wówczas nastąpić miałby czas nacjonalizmu europejskiego. Rzeczywiście partie i ugrupowania nacjonalistyczne w poszczególnych krajach europejskich odnalazły wiele łączących je problemów, pewne uniwersalne treści wspólne im wszystkim, których chcą bronić, bądź je propagować. W związku z tym mamy do czynienia z próbami tworzenia sieci transnarodowych, walczących o wspólne cele, przeciwstawiających się zjawiskom migracji, islamizacji czy federacyjnemu modelowi integracji europejskiej.

The article describes the institutions that the European Community Treaties, yesterday, and the Treaty of Lisbon, today, introduced in order to strengthen democracy in the European institutions, promoting the connection between rulers and ruled. The study concludes that, in the current context, the European Union democratic strengthening seems to pass through the introduction of institutions that - in addition to promoting democratic representation - are able to allow the participation of citizens in taking policy decisions, implementing the participatory democratic model. In this sense, a positive example, according to the Treaty of Lisbon, is the introduction of the legislative initiative proposed by the EU citizens (art. 11, paragraph 4 of the EU Treaty, and Article 24 of TFEU). Actually, such provision has to be considered as a significant "step forward" toward the democratic strengthening: it is an institution that allows citizens to participate in one of the most important functions of the EU, i.e. the legislative function. Even more important, as it refers to the initiative stage. Therefore, it permits European citizens to stimulate the European action in areas which peoples of Europe feel highly important.

Polish Input in Building European Structures

The article is devoted to the process of creating European structures after 1990, and in particular the actions taken by the representatives of the Polish state. An effective process of bringing Poland closer to the European structures began with the actions that were aimed at establishing Poland’s membership in the Council of Europe; those actions, however, were also aimed at obtaining member status in other specialized organizations, such as: the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the International Energy Agency (IEA), and the Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA). These accessions were followed with a crowning achievement of obtaining a full member status in the NATO. Nevertheless, it was accession to the EU that required particular engagement from all environments, including both political and academic. The author, who was directly involved in those events, pays particular attention to the works and output of the Convention on the Future of Europe (the European Convention).

A Few Remarks on the Institution of the European Citizens' Initiative in the European Union

The article includes a critical analysis of chosen aspects of the institution of the citizens’ initiative in the European Union. It was introduced to the legal system of the EU by the Treaty of Lisbon and by Regulation No 211/2011 of the European Parliament and the Council of 16 February 2011. The examined issue has not been discussed comprehensively in the legal literature yet. On the one hand, the author gives his assent about such elements of the citizens’ initiative in the EU as the minimum number of countries from which signatories must come and the minimum number of signatories from one Member State, i.e. issues which should be apparently the most controversial. On the other hand, in the main part of the study, the author tries to argue that the form and nature of the initiative should be assessed negatively. Unformulated form of the above-mentioned institution may lead to deformation or misinterpretation of citizens’ proposal by the European Commission. Furthermore, the indirect character of the citizens’ initiative entitled to state that we do not deal with a variety of “legislative initiative” but rather with a variety of “legislative inspiration”. To sum up, the author anticipates that the examined political institution will not contribute to solve the problem known as “democratic deficit” in the EU. His opinion is based on a general remark that without changing the actual, liberal model of European integration on the republican one, there are no prospects to ensure effective participation of EU citizens in public life.

Democracy and its Deficit in the European Union

Searching for a way to eliminate a „deficit in democracy” in the European Union is at the same time searching for the final political shape of the EU (finalité politique) and also for a way to legitimize the EU itself and its institutions as well. However, all action must be taken after some consideration and its is worth to follow the „Monnet method”, which advocates evolutionary change, rather than a revolutionary one. Democracy in the EU must be multilevel and must mirror the EU itself in that respect; it and needs to incorporate both direct participation of the EU citizens, as well as an active role of the bodies formed in general elections: the European Parliament and the national parliaments of the Member States. There is a vital need for a compromise that shall allocate the appropriate places for all of the participants in the „European game”.

W artykule ukazano przeobrażenia, jakie przeszły granice Polski od okresu powojennego, gdy w wyniku arbitralnych decyzji państw trzecich zostały zmienione przedwojenne usytuowanie i zasięg państwa polskiego, aż do dnia dzisiejszego, gdy status i funkcje granic III Rzeczpospolitej uległy gruntownej zmianie w wyniku członkostwa w UE i strefie Schengen. Szczególny nacisk położono na analizę trzech zasadniczych zmian statusu politycznego i funkcji kontrolnych tych granic. Pierwsza odnosi się do ustanowienia typowych dla ówczesnych krajów komunistycznych restrykcyjnych zasad ochrony i przekraczania granic tak przez obywateli polskich, jak i obywateli państw trzecich. Druga związana jest z radykalną zmianą zasad ochrony i kontroli polskich granic wraz z transformacją ustrojową i gospodarczą Polski na początku lat 90. XX w., polegającą na względnym otwarciu wszystkich polskich granic na przepływ ludzi i towarów. Trzeci proces przeobrażeń polskich granic stanowi efekt integrowania się Polski z UE i jej przystąpienia do strefy Schengen. Polega na dywersyfikacji polskich granic na granice wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne UE, co istotnie zmienia nie tylko ich funkcje kontrolne, ale także status polityczny. Ukazanie powyższych zmian uzewnętrznia zmieniającą się naturę polityczną polskiego państwa i jego suwerenności. Analizy prowadzone są w ujęciu politologicznym, w oparciu o źródła instytucjonalno-prawne i literaturę przedmiotu.

The article presents the problem of the functioning of factions within the European Parliament and the formation of coalitions between individual political groups basing on the Rules of Procedure and data from the seventh term of the EP. The article involves an analysis of the principles for forming factions as specified in the Rules of Procedure of the EP and the consequences for the cooperation of national parties in the Parliament arising from these regulations. In the second part of the article, matters concerning coalition formation between political groups within the EP are discussed together with the phenomenon of ‘grand coalitions’, related definitional problems and the functioning of the entire political system of the EU in this context.

The aim of the paper is an attempt at evaluating the Eastern Partnership from the point of view of the socio-cultural dimension in a broad sense. Do cultural and civilisational factors influence relations between the EU and Eastern European and South Caucasus countries? Is the EU capable of further enlargement? The Eastern Partnership is experiencing significant turmoil (Russia-Ukraine war, unstable South Caucasus) which begs the question of the future of the policy. Moreover, the paper tackles the issue of the EU’s internal factors and their influence upon relations with Eastern countries.

Artykuł ma na celu ukazanie przyczyn konfliktu na Ukrainie w odniesieniu do struktur zachodnich – Unii Europejskiej oraz NATO i ich reakcji na wydarzenia, jakie miały i mają miejsce w tym kraju, a także oczekiwań społeczności międzynarodowej i samej Ukrainy względem tych graczy. Artykuł uwypukla także specyficzne cechy konfliktu, które wskazują na jego hybrydowy charakter, wyjaśniając jednocześnie przyczyny i możliwe skutki.

Rola Norwegii dla Unii Europejskiej znacznie wzrosła na początku XXI wieku. Po okresie, kiedy kraj postrzegany był jako relatywnie marginalny outsider w zintegrowanej Europie, teraz jest bezpośrednio związany ze wszystkimi procesami zachodzącymi w Brukseli z powodu udziału w Europejskim Obszarze Gospodarczym. Potencjał Norwegii w oczach państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej kształtowany jest przez pryzmat jej potencjału energetycznego. Norwegia stała się wiodącym eksporterem gazu do UE, z powodzeniem konkurującym z Federacją Rosyjską. Ten status zależeć będzie w dużym stopniu od polityki Norwegii na Dalekiej Północy – regionie o coraz wyraźniejszym znaczeniu strategicznym. Artykuł ma na celu omówienie głównych ról odgrywanych przez Norwegię w kontekście celów i polityk UE, głównie w dziedzinie energii. Przybliża również strategię Norwegii wobec Dalekiej Północy, perspektywy wydobycia w tym regionie ropy i gazu oraz regionalną współpracę z Rosją.

The subject of analysis is the assumption that the concept of soft power may be used as a theoretical basis for the interpretation of the EU influence on the less stable regions facing the spread of international conflicts. On the basis of current events and the high degree of instability in the region, it should be stated that such instruments are not efficient when it comes to Russia. In order to prove the above mentioned assumption, one needs to define the nature and specificity of the EU as soft power in the post-Westphalian international order. In the context of the use of such instruments, the analysis will also cover the manifestation of their implementation and efficiency in the EU policy towards Ukrainian crisis. Thus, it is essential to answer a few research questions. Firstly, what is the specificity of the EU in post-Westphalian international order? Secondly, what means does the EU have at its disposal and is it able to achieve its objectives and meet expectations which the international environment has towards it? Lastly, how can we assess the efficiency of the soft power instruments used by the Union in specific region of Eastern Europe, particularly during Ukrainian crisis?