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Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych, ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 17 lipca 2023 r.

Scoring of scientific journals of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek according to the list of scientific journals and reviewed materials from international conferences, announced by the Minister of Education and Science on July 17, 2023.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pts
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pts
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pts
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pts
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pts
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pts
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pts
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pts
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pts
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pts
  • Azja-Pacyfik - 40 pts
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pts
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pts
  • Reality of Politics - 40 pts
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pts
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pts
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pts
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pts
  • Defence Science Review - 20 pts
  • Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne – 20 pts
  • African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus Political and Legal Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. Czasy Nowożytne i Współczesne - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. De Musica - 0 pts
  • Viae Educationis. Studies of Education and Didactics - 0 pts

Journals

New journals

Co-published journals

Past journals

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Czasopisma Marszalek.com.pl

German Cultural Policy in the Reich Province of Danzig-West Prussia: A Short Characteristic

  • Author: Sylwia Grochowina
  • Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0124-1311
  • Year of publication: 2018
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 142-159
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.60.09
  • PDF: apsp/60/apsp6009.pdf

An important element of the ethnic and racial policy pursued by the German occupant in the Reich Province of Danzig-West Prussia was cultural policy (Kulturpolitik). Admittedly, since the first days of occupation the German authorities attached great importance to matters of culture – however, in the Nazi reality there was no cultural policy understood as encouragement and support offered by state authorities for independent, artistic creativity in its varied forms. The Nazis “controlled” culture, which played an important role in the process of creating a new reality in the annexed Polish territories. In the present paper, the author discusses selected issues illustrating the organization and forms of German cultural life in the Danzig-West Germany Province of the Reich. In outlining the German cultural policy, two main aspects were taken into account: culture as just another component of the broader German nationalistic and ethnic policy, as well as its role as an integral part of social reality.

Przeszłość, pamięć, wojna: powracające spojrzenia

  • Author: Piotr Zwierzchowski
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1770-777X
  • Year of publication: 2019
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 112-123
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2019.03.08
  • PDF: kie/125/kie12508.pdf

W niniejszym tekście porównuję kilka filmów z lat 60. oraz przełomu pierwszej i drugiej dekady XXI wieku: Jak być kochaną (1962) Wojciecha Jerzego Hasa i Joannę (2010) Feliksa Falka, Echa (1964) Stanisława Różewicza i Kreta (2010) Rafaela Lewandowskiego oraz Na melinę (1965) Różewicza i Obławę (2012) Marcina Krzyształowicza. Filmy te równie wiele dzieli, jak łączy. Niemniej jednak podobieństwa wydają się zbyt istotne, by przejść obok nich obojętnie. Nie tyle wojna czy lustracja są ich tematem, ile ludzie postawieni w niecodziennej sytuacji, ich wybory, postawy, dylematy, ale i miłości. W każdym razie w żadnym z nich wojna nie jest powodem do dumy czy chwały, niezależnie od tego, czy kończy się zwycięstwem, czy staje się przyczyną heroicznych zmagań i cierpień. Mimo upływu lat i różnych kontekstów dostrzegam w nich te same problemy, postawy, dyskurs wartości, rozwiązania ideowe i dramaturgiczne, ale też odrębność wobec dominujących wizerunków pamięci, przeszłości i wojny. Dzięki temu mogę zadać pytanie o status relacji między dawnym i nowym polskim kinem, skupić się na sensie pewnych prawidłowości bądź znaczeniu powtórzeń. Wszystkie te filmy łączy nieoczywistość, brak wiary w jednoznaczne odpowiedzi, używając pewnego uogólnienia - przełamanie stereotypów funkcjonujących w polskim myśleniu o przeszłości, pamięci i wojnie. Powrót do tych samych tematów, sposobów ujęcia, wątpliwości, porządku aksjologicznego nie oznacza prostej kontynuacji czy nawiązań, mających podkreślić odwołanie do klasyki polskiego kina. Nowe filmy stanowią raczej dowód na to, że kolejni twórcy poszukują odpowiedzi na uniwersalne pytania. Nie pozwalają kulturze zamknąć się w gotowych schematach.

Cold War versus Symbolic Battlefield : The Crisis in Greek-German Relations as a Result of the Dispute over Compensations for WWII and the Way to Overcome It: Case Study

  • Author: Przemysław Łukasik
  • Institution: University of Opole
  • Year of publication: 2020
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 139-159
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.68.10
  • PDF: apsp/68/apsp6810.pdf

It is difficult to speak of a historical dispute in the case of Greek compensation claims for losses suffered during WWII by Nazi Germany. This is because the German side has repeatedly taken responsibility for the harm done to the Greek people. Germany is also a country that has paid over 75 billion in damages by 2016 with various categories of victims from different countries, including Greece (Barcz & Kranz, 2019, p. 155). In the discourse on Greek demands against Germany, metaphors of the Cold War (Kalpouzos, 2015) or a symbolic battlefield (Christodoulakis, 2014, p. 20) appear, suggesting primarily a significant importance of this issue for internal political decisions made at the Acropolis and the local historical awareness. Despite this, since the “outbreak” of this “Cold War” in Germany, both on the political and expert’s levels, and primarily in historical research, many efforts have been made to constructively “resolve the dispute”. In author’s opinion, both terms coined during Greek-German historical controversy characterize duality of position of the contemporary states in discussion about impact of the past on current relations between nations in general. On the one hand, ‘Cold War’ term refers to political and economic levels (compensations demand) of the contemporary historical conflicts. On the other hand, ‘symbolic battlefield’ suggests moral superiority or righteousness on one side.

Kwestia tureckiego przystąpienia do II wojny światowej w polityce brytyjskiej między grudniem 1943 a styczniem 1944 r.

  • Author: Krzysztof Zdulski
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
  • Year of publication: 2022
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 133-147
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.74.08
  • PDF: apsp/74/apsp7408.pdf

The issue of Turkish accession to the Second World War in British foreign policy (December 1943–January 1944)

During the Cairo negotiations (December 4–7, 1942), the British, supported by the Americans, tried to persuade the Turks to make the air bases on their territory available to the Allies on February 14, 1944. This date was correlated with British preparations for attacking Rhodes as part of Operation Hercules. Throughout the rest of December and mid-January 1944, the British tried to convince the Ankara government to accept the terms of cooperation. The staff consultations which proceeded in early January highlighted the differences in the perception of the war situation by both sides, which eventually led to the breakdown of negotiations and the suspension of British military aid to Turkey. Nevertheless, the British government did not decide to break the treaty of mutual aid with the Turkey and this decision was influenced by political and military factors that was not directly related to the plans of capturing the Dodecanese.

Leon Weintraub ocalały dla pojednania

  • Author: Radosław Ptaszyński
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7508-0496
  • Year of publication: 2022
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 287-309
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2022.11
  • PDF: pbs/10/pbs1011.pdf

Leon Weintraub. A survivor for reconciliation

The group of Auschwitz survivors is numerous and rapidly shrinking. However, the accounts (could use: biographies, memoirs, recollections, stories, etc.) of those who experienced it are remarkable and still worthy of study. Moreover, testimonies from the time of the Annihilation (or Holocaust) – a message with a great weight of emotion and a particular feature of the great history, make the material collected in this way can serve as an invaluable contribution to expanding knowledge and analysis for future generations. Naturally, the educational issue is also important, although the focus will be on the cognitive role. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate the fate of the life of an outstanding physician, a Polish Jew from Lodz, Leon Weintraub, who “started” his life anew three times – at the time of his birth in 1926, his liberation from the Nazi camps, and his expulsion from the country as part of the anti-Semitic campaign of March 1968. It seems that the study of the fate of an individual’s life under totalitarian systems, using the oral history method and confronting other sources, makes it possible to create a biographical sketch that is not just a collection of dry facts but enriched with elements of personal emotions, sensitivities, and feelings.

The Middle East in the 20th century: from Entente until the Cold War

  • Author: Hassan A. Jamsheer
  • Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Menedżerska w Warszawie
  • Year of publication: 2015
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 15-24
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2015101
  • PDF: so/7/so701.pdf

Już podczas nawiązania entente cordial między Wielką Brytanią a Francją w 1904 r. oraz przyłączeniu do niej Rosji w 1907 r. sprawy bliskowschodnie (m.in. Maroko, Egipt, Iran, Afganistan) legły u podstaw tego sojuszu. Toteż kiedy wybucha I wojna światowa, trzy wymienione mocarstwa uznały się za powołane do ukształtowania przyszłości Bliskiego Wschodu zgodnie z własnymi interesami (porozumienie Sykes–Picot, korespondencja Hussein–MacMahon, deklaracja Balfoura i inne). W wyniku wojny (przegrana państw centralnych, wycofanie Rosji bolszewickiej z wojny) Wielka Brytania i Francja stały się jedynymi dominującymi siłami w tym regionie świata. Pierwsza otrzymała mandat Ligi Narodów nad Palestyną (wraz z wydzieloną jej częścią – Transjordanią) i Irakiem. Francja zaś otrzymała mandat nad Syrią i Libanem. Wielka Brytania zachowała ponadto swoją dominację nad Egiptem i Somalią Brytyjską. Francja z kolei – nad Algierią, Marokiem, Tunezją, Somalią Francuską. W tych nowo powstałych krajach arabskich państwo i administrację odwzorowywano na podobieństwo metropolii, co było w pewnych aspektach korzystne, w innych – dysfunkcjonalne i konfliktogenne. Ujawnia się to dobitnie w czasach niepodległości i zimnej wojny, tj. po II wojnie światowej.

O chłopcu, który chciał zostać nazistą. Obraz narodowego socjalizmu w filmie Jojo Rabbit w reżyserii Taiki Waititiego

  • Author: Alicja Bartnicka
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7526-8325
  • Year of publication: 2022
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 201-214
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/CCNiW.2022.01.13
  • PDF: ccniw/1/ccniw113.pdf

A boy who wanted to become a Nazi. The image of national socialism in the film Jojo Rabbit by Taika Waititi

The history of World War II and the Third Reich enjoy unfading interest of filmmakers who not only include certain threads of those historical realities into their productions but make them the theme determining a course of a story. The Jojo Rabbit film directed by Taika Waititi is without a doubt much more than just an interesting story of a boy who wanted to become a Nazi. Waititi (New Zealand based) painted a satirical and ambivalent picture of national socialism; this time around viewers could watch it from the perspective of a child imbued with this ideology. The plot of the film contains references to anti-Semitism, Aryan racial superiority and ways of controlling society. The viewer’s doubts may be raised by the fact that all these elements are presented in a satirical form. The aim of this study is not only the attempt to evaluate this picture with consideration to historical realities, but also a look into the choice of media used by the director.

Початок Другої світової війни на шпальтах українського еміграційного тижневика «Тризуб»

  • Author: Тарас Сергійчук
  • Institution: ДУ «Інститут всесвітньої історії НАН України» [Instytut Historii Świata Narodowej Akademii Nauk Ukrainy]
  • Year of publication: 2023
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 67-84
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/sdhw.2023.04
  • PDF: sdhw/23/sdhw2304.pdf

The beginning of the Second World War on the pages of the Ukrainian emigration weekly “Ňđčçóá”

The article presents the preconditions, causes, and outbreak of the Second World War through the eyes of correspondents of the Ukrainian emigration weekly “Тризуб” [Tryzub], which was published in Paris by the State Centre of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (the UPR Government in exile) in 1925–1940 and reflected its position, albeit unofficially. The article recreates a retrospective of the events leading up to the outbreak of the new world war from the perspective of the part of the emigration that recognised the UPR as the only legitimate Ukrainian statehood and shows their vision of how the war would affect Ukraine and the prospects for restoring its independence and potential role on the international stage during these tumultuous events.

Okręt podwodny ORP „Sęp” w polskiej historiografii wojskowej

  • Author: Maciej Franz
  • Institution: Wydział Historii, Uniwersytet im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9075-605X
  • Year of publication: 2023
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 85-121
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/sdhw.2023.05
  • PDF: sdhw/23/sdhw2305.pdf

The submarine ORP “Sęp” in Polish military historiography

The last one adopted before 1939 for service in the Polish Navy, most often appears as a twin ship of the legendary ORP “Orzeł”. The war history of ORP “Sęp” was short, covering only a few days of the Polish campaign. Interned in Sweden, the ship lived to see the end of World War II there. He returned to Poland together with his commanding officer – lieutenant commander Władysław Salamon. He served in the Polish Navy until 1969. Its history is hidden in the shadows, not receiving the proper attention from historians.

Children and the Politics of Memory: Analysis of the Museum Narrative at the Yad Vashem Institute

  • Author: Marcin Zaborski
  • Institution: SWPS University
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9746-9670
  • Year of publication: 2023
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 60-79
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2023.80.04
  • PDF: apsp/80/apsp8004.pdf

How does Yad Vashem Institute presents the stories of the youngest participants in the war? What role do children play in its narrative? Do the authors of the exhibition devote separate exhibition to them – or are the children’s fates ‘inscribed’ in the overall message about history? Is the death of victims or the death of heroes at the centre of the message? Is the museum presentation dedicated to specific, individual figures or rather to communities of anonymous participants in wartime events? The author of the article addresses those questions by analysing the narrative line of the Holocaust History Museum (Yad Vashem) in Jerusalem. The research conducted show that the Holocaust story presented in this place focuses on the loss and suffering that resulted in interrupted lives. The perspective of the victims dominates the exhibition analysed. The civilian victims of occupation and Genocide are at the centre of the exhibition.

Węzły pamięci. Kwestia zbrodni katyńskiej w relacjach polsko-rosyjskich

  • Author: Konrad Słowiński
  • Institution: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3714-8992
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 114-146
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20244006
  • PDF: npw/40/npw4006.pdf

Memory nodes. The issue of the Katyn massacre in Polish-Russian relations

The article focuses on discussing the impact of the conditions regarding the Katyn massacre on the current relations between Warsaw and Moscow. The history of these two countries is characterized by a long and difficult past, which is why numerous unresolved disputes, burdens and myths have arisen and are still visible today, negatively affecting bilateral contacts. In 1989, right after the fall of the communist system in Poland, the new political elites, coordinating the process of democratic changes in our country, made efforts to sort out the controversial threads in the common Polish-Russian history. Without a doubt, the most important of them was the Katyn massacre. For the political elites of the Third Polish Republic, explaining the overall circumstances of those events was the most important goal of diplomatic activities undertaken towards the Kremlin. In Warsaw’s opinion, untangling this knot of memory from the history of relations between the two countries was supposed to help free them from past burdens and negative accumulations and contribute to strengthening friendship in current times. Unfortunately, it quickly turned out that this topic soon became one of the main elements negatively burdening mutual relations.

Niemiecka propaganda gospodarcza wobec Polaków w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie 1939–1945

  • Author: Przemysław Kot
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Ignatianum w Krakowie
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8603-3182
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 141–155
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/sdhw.2024.09
  • PDF: sdhw/24/sdhw2409.pdf

German economic propaganda against the Poles in the General Government 1939–1945

Propaganda is an inherent element of wartime activities and has been used since the inception of statehood and the conduct of wars by mankind. This article will focus on German propaganda in the General Government directed at the Polish society throughout the war. Thematically, only issues related to economic propaganda will be analyzed. The first part of this article will provide a brief overview of theories on propaganda. The second part will characterize the propaganda system established by the German occupiers in the General Government. In the third and main part, German propaganda aimed at Poles related to economic topics will be characterized. The primary sources for this work will be two newspapers, „Nowy Kurier Warszawski” and „Goniec Krakowski”, which were published throughout the governorate. Content analysis and critical source analysis methods will be utilized.

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