Societies create cultural models in order to maintain their identity. They constitute a reflection of values and symbols to which they are the most attached. In Russia, there has been a dispute about cultural identity for a long time. During Vladimir Putin’s presidency, when the liberal idea was devalued, a serious debate about the future of Russia was commenced. In contrast to Russia, Poland has always emphasized its European roots and identity of its culture with the Western culture. Comparative studies of the two cultures lead to the conclusion that significant differences are views of: man, freedom and the state. The definition of man in a given culture is associated with the worldview. In Russian culture it has been formulated on the basis of monastic practice and experience of Church Fathers. Hesychasm and deification – are the basis of the Orthodox anthropology. In the contemporary Russian culture one can observe the revival of hesychasm, which stems from the life practice. Latin anthropology was formed under the influence of Saint Augustine’s Confessions. According to Augustine, man is dust and only his „self ”, the person, is endowed with „existence, consciousness and will”. Augustine was the first Latin theologian, who pointed out the historical subjectivity of an individual. Therefore, the European thought identified man with historical ones: the state, nation and economics. The issue of a person’s freedom is the basic issue of Western anthropology. Man perceived himself as an autonomous entity that exists thanks to the autonomous intellect and respects the rights of others adhering to the same principles. Freedom in Orthodox culture is understood as inner freedom from external determinants Saint Augustine formulated a number of problems which are the basis of the Western understanding of the state. The specificity of understanding Augustine’s state is associated with the belief that people are sinful and it has an impact on the state system. Russian state doctrine is connected with Byzantine heritage. The idea of Moscow the Third Rome is a continuation of Byzantine diarchy. The contemporary Russian state thought says that liberal democracy and internationalism are unfamiliar to Russian culture. It finds it necessary to return to the ideocratic country and calls for recovering from the Russian disease of self-consciousness – “occidentalistic rootlessness”.

“More and more phenomena are assuming a political dimension, and the surrounding world of politics is beginning to overwhelm us. Despite its grounding in rationality, and despite eff orts to adapt it to the changing forms of social life, it systematically yields to derealisation. The key notions in this area, such as liberty, equality, democracy, raison d’état, revolution, counter-revolution, are becoming increasingly disconnected, receive variegated explanations and interpretations in political practice, are readily subject to manipulation.” Cultural myth expresses a collective, emotionally charged belief in the veracity of a conceptual content, a memory, and simultaneously provides a model, a set of rules for social behaviour. Leszek Kołakowski draws attention to the ubiquity of mythological thinking in contemporary culture in which it addresses the universal need to fi nd meaning and continuity in the world and its values. Myth is then a particular mode of perception, cognition, and understanding of reality, part of man’s mentality, his national and cultural identity.

The sixtieth anniversary of entering into diplomatic relations between Republic of Poland and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea inclines to draw up a balance sheet. Korea is located far away from Poland, in a very different civilization circle, the neo-Confucian one. It has 5 thousand years of history; the legendary Tangun in a year 2333 B.C. has founded the first Korean state Kodzoson. The history is generally difficult, numerous invasions of grand neighbors (China, Japan). The Korean chronicle compared Korea to a prawn swimming in between of two whales. Such difficult history is also the attribute of Poland. Poland was also a subject of partitions, numerous invasions of the neighbors. Polish and Koreans have common national features: pride, inexorability and independence.

The Lithuanian historiography is not a novelty in Polish academic literature. The attempts undertaken many times by historians to examine the Lithuanian past are fully justi€ed by the common history of the Polish and Lithuanian lands. It is worth stressing that there are still many controversial questions in this area, which have not been answered in both Lithuanian and Polish academic circles. Taking into account the basic facts from Lithuanian history in the 20th century, when Lithuanians undertook the first actions towards developing a state which would be offcially recognized by the international community, it should not be surprising that it is a subject frequently discussed by the newest studies, which continually refer to the equally rich literature of the earlier period. The researchers ascribe considerable signi!cance to the circumstances, in which the independent Lithuanian state came into being and to its functioning in the interwar period, in years 1918–1940 . What also had a strong influence on this process were the following events in the history of the state, when Lithuania was in the end incorporated into the Soviet Union. 

One can hardly overestimate the meaning of freedom of speech in the European tradition. It dates back to the times of the ancient Greece, although it was only John Milton who wrote the first tract devoted to the subject in question. In his Areopagitica (1644), Milton skillfully defended the principle of a free flow of ideas by stressing out that an open and undisturbed clash of various information and opinions is a condition of discovering truth in life. The best-known and most frequently quoted fragment of Areopagitica reads: “And though all the winds of doctrine were let loose to play upon the earth, so Truth be in the ! eld, we do injuriously, by licencing and prohibiting to misdoubt her strength. Let her and Falsehood grapple; who ever knew Truth put to the wors, in a free and open encounter. Her confuting is the best and surest suppressing”.

The history of the areas (incorporated to the Belarusian SSR in 1939), which in the Belarusian and Russian historiography adopted the geopolitical term “Western Belarus,” in Polish historiography is seen as an integral part of the overall history of the multinational Polish State. Regardless of the form of the state, which have evolved in the course of historical development (i.e. as part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, founded in the 16th century, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – which from the late 18th to the early 20th century was under Russian domination; finally revived in 1918 as the Second Polish Republic of interwar era, which has become a victim of Nazi on the one hand and on the other hand, the Stalinist aggression in September 1939) the history of “Eastern Borderlands”, including areas inhabited mostly by Belarusian peasants, is recognized in Polish literature in the paradigm of “our common and only homeland”, to which the love, affection, compassion are inseparable from the whole Polish patriotism. The distinction between methodological principles of Polish and Russian-Belarusian (tsarist, Soviet and post-Soviet times) lies in the fact that in the last so-called “Western Belarus” occurs as an entity independent of the fate of Poland, subject of research and legal entity (on the basis of which, among others, it was incorporated in the Belarusian SSR), while in Polish studies and assessments of all aspects of the history and culture of the people of this country and its political transition are presented through the prism of Polish historical issues. This applies to threads, causing debates (for example, about the borders approved by the Treaty of Riga in 1921), grief, accusations of treason by a certain group of Belarusian activists of inter war era, a sad irony in relation to the so-called national enthusiasm with which Belarusians erected “welcome gates” for the Red Army. The first part of the article concerns texts by Józef Mackiewicz, Kazimierz Podlaski, Sokrat Janowicz and other authors who in Poland and in exile dealt with the history of “Western Belarus” until 1939.

Problemem podjętym w artykule jest sposób przekazu przez system edukacji szkolnej Republiki Białoruś wiedzy dotyczącej znajdowania się części ziem Białorusi w granicach II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Głównym uzasadnieniem wyboru tematu jest to, iż odpowiednio sformułowany program nauczania może wpływać na kształtowanie świadomości narodowej. Praca oparta jest na oryginalnych wynikach badań materiałów szkolnych używanych w systemie szkolnictwa Republiki Białoruś. W ramach rozprawy został opracowany model teoretyczny przedstawienia kresów w okresie międzywojennym w literaturze szkolnej Białorusi. Znaczącym elementem w badaniu jest uwzględnienie autorskich intencji zawartych w tekście oraz celowo stworzonego przez białoruskich historyków wizerunku Polaków oraz Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej. W wyniku przeprowadzonego opracowania został wyszczególniony charakterystyczny sposób postrzegania przez system białoruskiej edukacji II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, a także procesów odbywających się w tym okresie na ziemiach Zachodniej Białorusi. W rozprawie przyjęto tezę, zgodnie z którą Republika Białoruś w podręcznikach dla uczniów stwarza obraz wroga zewnętrznego, którego rolę w jej przypadku pełni Polska oraz Polacy.

Strongholds as power institutions in the early-Piast monarchy (in written sources)

Paper summarizes selected source information concerning strongholds as power institutions of Polish monarchy in 10th–12th c. AD: forged foundation diploma for Mogilno Benedictine abbey (with date 1065), papal bullae for Gniezno, Włocławek, Wrocław and Kraków dioceses, and relevant fragments of Gallus Anonymus and Magister Vincentius chronicles.

Requisition or robbery? A case study of usurpation of property by the Red Army – resorting to the example of Września county in 1945

The text revolves around the Red Army’s activity in Greater Poland since the liberation to the dismantling of the Soviet administration in Poznan province. This text deals with requisitions and robberies committed by the Red Army around Września.

In the face of the European integration, the legal protection of national symbols enjoys momentous significance. The present turbulent times and numerous conflicts, the etiology of which is – e.g. social or political in nature – require an attempt to make a scientific overview of the situation. In this article I will examine the scope of standardization of the protection of national colors in the Polish law, the Italian law and the Community legislation. The study takes into account the historical and contemporary judicial decisions. I will try to answer the question whether the scope of protection of the Community colors in the Polish law is sufficient? The analysis of the examined normative acts has led me to the conclusion that the Polish legislator, after the restoration of independent statehood, attached a great importance to the normative grounds ensuring protection of colors of the national symbols. The Italian constitutional adjustment, compared to the Polish one in the scope of the national colors, is very sparse. Aside from the Community rules, each member state – as a result of historical development – has developed its own model of protection. The colors of the European Union are not expressly protected under the Polish normative regulations. However, de lege ferenda, I reckon that for the interests of legal certainty, the legal status in this field should be amended and relevant norms should be laid down.

The future by the past: The role of history in the concept of constitutional patriotism of Jürgen Habermas

The definition of patriotism is usually restricted to the conclusion that its aim is mere cultivation of the historical memory. However, patriotism has two distinct faces: one pointed at the past and the other focused on the present. What is more, in the opinion of many scholars, patriotism doesn’t need to be closely related to one nation or culture. An interesting concept of constitutional patriotism was developed by German historians and philosophers during the debate on national identity after World War II. Jürgen Habermas has been one of the founders of this project. According to the German philosopher, constitutional patriotism doesn’t mean just positivist constitutional acts, but some abstract forms, interpretations of a particular community. Such universal principles may be, for instance, procedures of sovereignty and liberal rights. The following article conveys arguments indicating that the role of history is very important in the concept of constitutional patriotism by Jürgen Habermas.

“Grandma Austria”, Polonia rediviva and the traps of destiny. Tadeusz Kudliński’s tricky interlinear gloss on post-Partitions history – The Grabowski Saga

This paper is an interpretation of Poland’s post-Partitions history as depicted in The Grabowski Saga, a story by Tadeusz Kudliński (1980). The focus is on the attitudes of the conservative Galician landed gentry to insurrectionary ideas.

The article aims at identifying key elements of Russia’s strategic culture and drivers for its change. It starts with a short theoretical overview of the strategic culture concept and different approaches within various theoretical frameworks (liberal, constructive, and post-modern). It focuses on most important determinants of Russian strategic culture, namely history, ideology, geopolitics, systemic issues, and religion. It examines the extent to which Russian policy reflects these determinants.

Polish exile in Belarus in the light of publications in “Dziennik Miński” (1917–1918)

“Dziennik Miński” was published between 1917 and 1918 in what is now Belarus. The newspaper was targeted at Poles living there for generations, as well as at refugees who came to the city as a result of enforced migration in the summer of 1915. The newspaper was a source of information about military developments on the fronts of the First World War. What is more, it provided news about politics, social and cultural lives, as well as the refugees and their lives away from home. The newspaper also provides research material concerning the relations between the refugees and the locals of Polish origin. Information was also available on the problems faced by the refugees on a regular basis and the operations of help organizations like Centralny Komitet Obywatelski (Central Civil Committee) or Polskie Towarzystwo Pomocy Ofiarom Wojny (Polish Society for Assisting War Casualties).

Polské uprchlictví v běloruských zemích na stránkách novin „Dziennik Miński” (1917–1918)

Czech studies in Poland – the nature and content of the research field

The position of Poland and Czechia in contemporary Europe, their mutual relations and significance of the areal studies in Central Europe. Czech Lands in comparative history of Central European macroregion in European and American historiographies, and a special position of the Polish research attitude. The asymmetry of the Polish studies in Czechia and the Czech studies in Poland. Scholars, essayists, and churchmen in the capacity of interpreters of the Czech issues. The national heterostereotypes in an interdiciplinary research and their role in social relations.

The Russian press’ response to the Act of 5th November 1916

This article discusses the reaction of the Russian press to the information about the Act of 5th November of 1916 proclaimed by Germany and Austria-Hungary with regard to the independence of Poland together with the response of Russians and Poles alike.

This study reflects on questions of a beginning and an end in the view of St. Thomas Aquinas and Dante Alighieri. Critical and comparative analysis will show: (1) in what ways the authors perceived the ultimate goals of humanity; (2) what impact doing so had on their political outlooks.

Count Mauritius August Benyovszky (1746–1786) – the Pole, Hungarian, Slovak or cosmopolitan?

In this article we focus on the question of the national identity of a famous adventurer and traveller Count Mauritius August Benyovszky (Polish: Beniowski, 1746-1786). Despite the fact that Benyovszky was born in present-day Slovakia and he sometimes described himself as a Pole, his national identity could not be labelled as either Slovak or Polish.

The work contains a historical outline of the beginnings of collective public transport in Tarnów and its region. It deals with issues related to the functioning of the tram line, which existed in Tarnów from 1911 to the Second World War. This also included city buses, which with the passage of years went further and further outside the city limits. The work also focuses on what impact these means of transport had on local society. This study contains information and comparisons of the of Tarnów roads and urban infrastructure, which had a direct impact on the introduction of the first forms of public transport in this area. The next pages in the article contain the direction in which public transport developed in the Tarnów sub-region, with particular emphasis on the period from the end of World War II to the political changes that followed the fall of communism in 1990. The following extensive themes is an attempt to outline in various ways which is the important issue of public transport.

Artykuł dotyczy sposobów ukazywania dekady lat osiemdziesiątych w polskim kinie najnowszym (w okresie 2007-2017). Autor wskazuje na cztery podstawowe kategorie filmów dotyczących ostatniej dekady PRL-u: „wielkie biografie” dotyczące kluczowych postaci historycznych, takich jak: Lech Wałęsa, Jerzy Popiełuszko czy Ryszard Kukliński; „małe biografie”, odnoszące się do losów osób powszechnie znanych, ale działających poza sferą polityczną, takich jak Zbigniew Religa czy rodzina Beksińskich; „filmy rozrachunkowe”, w których dekada stanu wojennego jest ukazana jako okres przede wszystkich różnego typu wyborów o charakterze polityczno-etycznym, które w taki czy inny sposób oddziałują na czasy współczesne. Ostatnią grupę można nazwać „filmami o codzienności”, odnoszą się one bowiem do „dekady Jaruzelskiego”, jednak pokazują ją nie od strony uwikłania w procesy historyczno-polityczne (choć w większości filmów odgrywają one rolę w życiu bohaterów), ale od strony problemów dnia codziennego.