This study focuses on the effect that internationalization of higher education has on the nation branding of South Korea. To better understand the role that international students in higher education play in nation branding, research is needed on the actual experiences of international students in the country. In this study, current and former African university students’ experiences living and studying in South Korea are investigated. This study, therefore, uses the nation branding framework within the context of South Korea and the role of higher education as an image enhancement strategy geared toward global public inclusion; its focus is on the experiences of African students. In order to obtain multiple perspectives on African student experiences, a survey was conducted using a questionnaire. The empirical evidence obtained in this study demonstrates that African students’ experiences in South Korea are relevant in their perceptions of the host country. The results suggest the positive impact that the South Korean government has on improving the country’s image through encouragement of internationalization of higher education, especially among African students who come to the country for their tertiary education.

Tekst jest próbą zwrócenia uwagi na problematykę korzystania z narzędzi miękkiej siły na przykładzie Korei Południowej i zjawiska zwanego Koreańską Falą oraz jego odbioru z państwach sąsiadujących – ChRL i Japonii. Opisując dwa konkretne konflikty z tymi państwami, artykuł stara się znaleźć odpowiedź na pytanie, gdzie są granice korzystania z potencjału soft power oraz jakie skutki negatywne może ono przynieść.

The long way to freedom - adaptation problems of North Korean defectors in South Korea

Although South Korea and North Korea have shared a common national and cultural heritage for thousands of years, they have become de facto stranger to each other in the last few decades. They differ not only in a different political and economic system, but also in the mentality and lifestyle of ordinary citizens, and in language. Since the 1990s, the number of North Korean defectors has increased. Those who decide to escape to South Korea encounter many problems in their new homeland. The aims of this article is to present the main adaptation problems faced by North Korean defectors, such as trauma, discrimination and problems with assimilation in South Korean society. There are also shown the examples of how to overcome or reduce them, as well as what support from the South Korean authorities looks like.

The paper focuses on the assessment of how effective the Korean government’s actions taken to increase the fertility rate are. South Korea is a country with a very low fertility rate which is below the replacement level. This demographic situation causes the ageing of the Korean population. The paper shows the contemporary family policy, the analysis of sociodemographic indicators and the analysis based on the data from the Korean Longitudinal Survey of Women and Families in the two periods of time: in 2007 and 2018, in order to show changes in the fertility intentions among the Korean women – in the sociological perspective. The statistical analysis indicates that the majority of the respondents had no intentions of having children. The results indicate that the Korean government’s actions are not sufficient to create an environment supporting the family in fertility intentions and behaviour, which is reflected in the continued low fertility rate.

Przedmiotem mojego zainteresowania jest przedstawienie najważniejszych uwarunkowań i implikacji charakteryzujących relacje chińsko- -południowokoreańskie za rządów Xi Jinpinga na płaszczyźnie politycznej i ekonomicznej. Celem moich rozważań będzie opisanie aktualnego stanu rzeczy we wzajemnych stosunkach oraz próba przeanalizowania, jak relacje obu podmiotów będą wpływać na konfigurację międzynarodową systemu bezpieczeństwa na terenie Azji Wschodniej. Na wstępie niniejszego studium prześledzę historię wzajemnych relacji za czasów zimnej wojny i proces normalizacji stosunków. Następnie przeanalizuję kontakty na linii Chiny–Republika Korei od 2013 r. i objęcia przez Xi Jinpinga oraz Parka Geun-hye sterów władzy w swoich krajach, skupiając się na najistotniejszym wówczas dla obustronnych związków problemie programu nuklearnego Korei Północnej. Niezwykle ważnym zagadnieniem w niniejszym tekście jest poruszenie kwestii zainstalowania na terenie Korei Południowej amerykańskiego systemu przeciwrakietowego THAAD w lipcu 2016 r., co doprowadziło do pogorszenia się relacji między Chinami a Republiką Korei, gdyż chiński rząd potraktował ten krok jako zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa ChRL. Istotnym punktem moich rozważań będzie także znaczenie rywalizacji amerykańsko-chińskiej dla kontaktów między rządami obu omawianych w tekście krajów azjatyckich. W dalszej części opisuję kontakty Pekin–Seul po wybuchu epidemii koronawirusa na przełomie 2019 i 2020 r. Dodatkowo poruszam także problem powiązań ekonomicznych obu państw. W podsumowaniu chciałbym odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy w przyszłości należy spodziewać się intensyfikacji stosunków Pekin–Seul. Zamierzam stwierdzić, jak przybierająca na sile rywalizacja na linii Stany Zjednoczone–Chiny może przyczynić się do modyfikacji priorytetów dyplomacji południowokoreańskiej.

Anti-Japanese Resentments and Reactivist Nationalism in South Korea

Understanding the importance of Japan’s place in the South Korean nationalism helps to explain the causes of contemporary conflicts between Seoul and Tokyo. The power of the anti-Japanese resentments in South Korea can surprise outside observers who do not take into account the importance of nationalism. While everyday anti-Japanese resentments may go unnoticed, they are reproduced by “banal” nationalism. Due to this, they can be used for national mobilization at any time. This research examines South Korean nationalism based on anti- Japanese resentments, which can now be described as reactivist nationalism. This concept is proposed in our text to describe the change in the function of Korean nationalism based on anti-Japanese resentments while still putting Japan (or rather, a certain rhetorical vision of Japan as a colonizer) in the role of the Significant Other. Anti-Japanese resentments began to function as a means of mobilizing the nation in response not only to Japanese actions, seen as provocations, but also to express the people’s dissatisfaction with their own government (by linking authoritarian rule with the legacy of the colonial period). Understanding the role of anti-Japanese resentment is a key to assessing South Korea’s decisions, both domestically and internationally.

Comparative empirical studies of digital exclusion have been conducted in Poland and South Korea. Surveys of students (including doctoral candidates) and in-depth interviews with academic teachers at selected universities and fields of study were used (N=135). The average differences in the opinions of Polish and Korean students are not statistically significant at the level of p

Challenges and directions of activity of president Yoon Suk Yeol’s administration

The purpose of the article is to describe the 2022 South Korean presidential election against the backdrop of a paradigm shift and to show the challenges and directions of Yoon Suk Yeol’s new administration. The author focuses on the research problems present in the new South Korean politics. Elements of change and continuity, which were also present in previous administrations are highlighted. In May 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol was sworn into the South Korea’s highest office. Yoon’s win in the presidential election ended a trend in which a decade of progressive rule was followed by a change to conservative rule. Since 1998, progressive and conservative presidents have alternated every two terms. The minimal difference in votes in favor of the conservative candidate reflected the divisions and social preferences of Koreans who favored a change from progressive to conservative government. The results of the 2022 presidential election revealed the polarization of South Korean society. Yoon will face a series of difficult challenges. In domestic politics, he must confront the housing crisis, widespread dissatisfaction with economic inequality, and generational tensions, among other issues. Yoon will also be challenged by the parliamentary majority currently held by the Democratic Party in the National Assembly. In foreign policy, South Korea’s new president advocates strengthening the alliance with the United States and cooperation with the Quad countries; he promises to improve relations with Japan, and to take steps toward South Korea playing a greater role in the world. In his inter-Korean policy, on the other hand, Yoon follows the traditional position of the conservatives, pledging to strengthen a policy of deterrence against acts of aggression and provocation by North Korea.

South Korea is a country where gender inequality has been observed from the past to the present. Many studies point out that gender inequality in Korean society is a consequence of Confucianism which still exists in the social norms, structure and hierarchy of society and the mentality of contemporary Korean people. It causes that gender inequality remains strong not only in the job market but also in the gender division of homework and care work issues, particularly in the sphere of family life. The main object of this paper is to investigate the possibility of making marital relationships equal while women are economically active. To achieve the paper’s main goal, the statistical analysis was carried out with logistic regression on data from the Korean Longitudinal Survey on Women and Families in 2012 and 2020. The results indicated that despite the significant social and economic changes in Korean society, women’s activity in the job market did not introduce a significant change in the division of household duties among men and women, which shows women’s involvement in economic support of the family it does not make any significant changes to the aspect of equality in the relationship.

The Role of (Post)memory and Film in the South Korean National Narrative and its Impact on Relations with Japan

There seems to be a barrier in relations between Japan and South Korea that, despite shared interests and values, is an obstacle to building a lasting reconciliation. Political solutions that are supposed to be permanent and unchangeable (such as the agreement on comfort women) are being undermined. The idea of unresolved historical disputes and the lack of sufficient apologies has been ingrained in South Korea, which influences the perception of Japan as a dishonest partner. Subsequently, the brutality of authoritarian rule and the restriction of civil rights became associated with the legacy of the colonial period. Although political elites on both sides agree on the need to build future- oriented relationships, these efforts encounter internal resistance. Analysis of the role played by the collective memory of the colonial period allows us to notice antagonisms that lead to the reification of reality in which lasting reconciliation without solving historical disputes is impossible. Using the film, a post-memory with a strongly emotional tone is constructed, reinforcing anti-Japanese resentments. The analysis of the development of film narratives about the colonial period serves to capture changes in the national discourse and leads to conclusions regarding the impact not only on relations with Japan, but also on the connection between the anti-colonial discourse and the criticism of authoritarian power. The rhetorical vision presented in the films has been so deeply rooted in the national narrative that changing it seems extremely difficult - which is why it constantly threatens the building of lasting reconciliation with Japan.