This article measures the level of financial literacy in the rural areas of Vietnam. The financial literacy is usually concerned by financial institutions and government organizations. This is considered to be an indicator that contributes to the assessment of the quality and potential growth of the financial system. In the article the determinants of financial literacy in Vietnam are identified. In result the authors propose a designed financial literacy enhancement programme for implementation.

The main objective set by many countries is ensuring security. The means to accomplish this goal are the armed forces, obliged to guarantee safe functioning of the state and its citizens. There are states, for which maintaining a powerful, modern army has enormous significance for their superpower status, for their preparedness to a potential conflict or as a deterrent for the neighbouring states. Therefore, in the following text I will deal with the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, because of its history, and especially due to the region where it is situated - one of the hottest places on Earth, full of misunderstandings, disputes and conflicts causing that the states situated there, including Vietnam, are modernising their armies.

Populizm jest zjawiskiem skomplikowanym, ponieważ koncepcja ta nie tylko różni się zarówno w podejściu, jak i przejawach, ale także ukształtowała się w krajach i regionach poza Europą. Podczas gdy intelektualiści nieustannie krytykują i postrzegają to zjawisko jako zagrożenie, któremu należy zapobiegać, miliony ludzi w całej Europie jednocześnie okazują poparcie dla ruchów, partii i osób o ideologii populistycznej. Ten sprzeczny obraz pokazuje, że pojawienie się populizmu jest w istocie odzwierciedleniem szeregu niestabilnych i niepokojących problemów społeczno-politycznych, a także skrajnych emocji i bezsilności ludzi w takich sytuacjach. Celem artykułu jest zatem przyjrzenie się czynnikom napędzającym Brexit, a tym samym zbadanie populizmu na poziomie analizy na poziomie indywidualnym, grupowym, państwowym i systemowym. Wyjaśniając poglądy wietnamskich intelektualistów na temat populizmu, artykuł następnie omawia możliwość wzrostu populizmu w obecnej sytuacji społeczno-politycznej w Wietnamie.

The article falls within the political science of religion, a “transactional” perspective. A critical point at stake here is to preserve the political system, which officially draws on socialist ideas and Hochiminhism, which consists of the deferring of liberal democracy. The historical background of the emergence of Catholicism in Vietnam has been shown, which proves that Catholics operated under the shadow of anti-national and anti-patriotic accusations. This narrative was strengthened during Indochina’s war when the ruling Communist Party required consolidation around nationalist and communist ideas. The change brought by the reform of Doi Moi, which on the first plan put up economic liberalisation followed by greater tolerance and openness, but without changing the party system. Catholics enjoy greater freedom. They can also join the Communist Party, in return, expects stabilisation and support for the political system. New forms of cooperation with religious groups have been developed, and some of them are still criticised, including limitations related to the registration of religious groups and control by the state apparatus.

The militarisation of the South China Sea has specific implications for the regional security situation. The construction of artificial islands and platforms by the states of the region leads, on the one hand, to the assertion of their possessions and the enhancement of their security and, on the other hand, contributes to rising tensions in the region. The construction of such facilities by Vietnam goes unchallenged, there is no criticism and even some support – not so with China. Most countries see Vietnam as the country most able to stand up to its large neighbour. Vietnam otherwise operates more slowly and on a smaller scale, so it is commonly seen as defensive as it builds on islands that have belonged to Hanoi for decades and are close to the mainland coast.

This paper will answer the question of the viability of Vietnam’s strategy for survival. How sustainable is the enmeshment and balancing strategy? Due to its geopolitical position, Vietnam has found itself on a precipice: almost all significant and regional powers find themselves seeking a partnership with Vietnam. Vietnam has also pursued these partnerships, hoping to stabilize and strengthen the state’s position. It is all the more important due to rising tensions in the South China Sea. Independence and survival are overreaching themes of Vietnamese foreign policy. The main strategy is for great and regional powers to balance each other out in the region, allowing Vietnam the greatest possible decision-making freedom. There is however a question of the viability of that balancing strategy. Certain strategic partnerships, like those with India, Japan, or the US, have been developed, but only to a degree, and their viability has yet to be tested. It is possible that this course of action, calculated to balance China’s influence in the region, might backfire in the end, returning the region to the Chinese sphere of influence as predicted by David Kang.

Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese School of Diplomacy. A Pragmatic Approach to the Traditional Narrative

The aim of the article is to define and analyze the specific, traditional features of Vietnamese diplomacy that are associated with the international activities of the first Vietnamese president, Ho Chi Minh (1890–1969). The basis of the Vietnamese leader’s official rhetoric is communist (Marxist-Leninist) ideology, which, adapted to Vietnamese realities, is often referred to as hoshiminism. Alongside communist ideas in Ho’s speeches and activities, patriotism and nationalism or sovereign decision-making should be mentioned. These are reflected in the documents of the recent 13th Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, a brief analysis of which in the context of contemporary diplomacy is presented in the article. The blending of global and regional trends, the ability to navigate the tangle of interests of the great powers, to extract as much benefit for oneself as possible from the contradictions of their interests, to build an image of a flexible, friendly, pragmatic state have all been adopted from the war period are characteristics reflected in the term used for Vietnam’s diplomacy today – ‘bamboo diplomacy’.

A tangle of cultures, a tangle of images. Dinh Q. Lê photographic memory fabric

The paper aims to present the issues of post-memory arising from the photographic and video art works of Dinh Q Lę. The specific technique used by the American-Vietnamese artist can be described as “fabric” due to the post-media processing in the form of interwoven photographic strips connected to create an innovative combination dedicated to the connections between East and West, the sacred and the profane, and colour contrasts. Deconstruction of the initial material creates unconventional iconographic combinations that blur the clear meanings recorded in the image, with the aim of their secondary reconfiguration, often marked by traumatic war events. The peculiar form of expression seems to reflect the dynamics of a complex form, ambiguity, and allusion, which is no longer just an automatic reproduction of reality, but a creative field of transformations, weaving, entanglement of threads overlapping various spheres of reference, animation of the meanings of words transformed into moving images that reflect them. The subject of the considerations outlined in this article is an exhibition entitled Dinh Q.Lę. Le fil de la mémoire et autres photographs organised between February 8 and November 20, 2022 at the Musée de Quai Branly.

The article falls within the political science of religion, a “transactional” perspective. A critical point at stake here is preserving the political system, which officially draws on socialist ideas, and Hochiminhism, which consists of the deferring of liberal democracy. A historical background of the emergence of Catholicism in Vietnam has been shown, which proves that Catholics operated under the shadow of anti-national and anti-patriotic accusations. This narrative was additionally strengthened during Indochina’s war when the ruling Communist Party required consolidation around nationalist and communist ideas. The change brought by the reform of Doi Moi, which on the first plan put up economic liberalization followed by greater tolerance and openness, but without changing the party system. Catholics enjoy greater freedom; they can also join the Communist Party, which, in return, expects stabilization and support for the political system. New forms of cooperation with religious groups have been developed. However, some of them are still criticized, including limitations related to the registration of religious groups and control by the state apparatus.