The article sheds light on the nexus between higher education and foreign policy. International higher education has become an increasingly prominent element of some states’ policies towards other countries as a flank to traditional foreign policy. It has occurred in Central Asia, where the European Union, China and Russia are all supporting teaching, research and capacity-building activities in the tertiary sectors of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Although they employ similar tools and instruments, the assumptions and visions underpinning their respective strategies diverge. Russia’s strategy is shaped by historically informed identity factors and the impulse to entrench predominance in the post-Soviet space, whilst China uses its support for higher education as a soft infrastructure for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Meanwhile, the EU has integrated higher education into its strategy for the region, which aims at drawing Central Asia closer to its orbit through democratisation and the rule of law.

In 2021, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) turned 20 years old. With “Shanghai Spirit” as its guiding principle, the scope of SCO’s activity has significantly expanded, recently adding India and Pakistan to its members. As a result, SCO policy has heavily influenced the Central Asia region. In response, in 2019, the EU launched a new strategy for Central Asia, adopting “connectivity” as its core concept. As a result, both SCO and EU strategies in Central Asia tend to conflict with each other, thus leading to uneven and inconsistent development of the region. Therefore, this paper aims to identify contradictions between SCO’s “Shanghai Spirit” guiding principle and the EU’s concept of “connectivity” by comparing the SCO and EU strategies toward Central Asia. The methodology in the paper involves a qualitative comparative method, including two qualitative case studies, represented by the SCO’s “Shanghai Spirit” and the EU’s concept of “connectivity” in their strategies on Central Asia. The article concludes that contestation between the SCO and the EU policies in Central Asia impedes stable development of the region, and therefore, a compromise between both policies in Central Asia is suggested.

The main goal of this paper is an analysis of activities, purposes, problems of the (SCO) since its inception in order to understand what is the main reason behind its creation and existence? What are its achievements and what benefits have got each member state? Is it beneficial to all members? The hypothesis is that SCO serves only its big members, it was intended to be a China’s tool to enter Central Asia without vexing Russia. The article analyzes the activities of the SCO with the existing theories in IR in order to answer these questions. The main objective of the SCO was an attempt by the powers of the Central Asia to control the region. The SCO faces problems of distrust between its members. It is a very important instrument of guaranteeing Sino-Central Asian partnership. It is also a guarantee that China will never dominate Central Asia due to many signed agreements within the organization. With more than twenty years of history and existence, the SCO may become a real force on the international arena. The SCO’s intention is to become a world power and to construct a fairer international order. The SCO has the economic potential and political will to do it.

The conflict around the Rogun dam as an example of disputes over water resources

Water scarcity is an area of disputes between many states. Generally, these conflicts occur as a result of competition for water resources. They are especially visible in underdeveloped regions, such as Africa or the Middle East. Central Asia, the five republics established after the collapse of the USSR, is also an area exposed to conflicts. An example of such conflict can be the construction of the Rogun dam on Vakhsh river in Tajikistan. The project caused a lot of controversy and further construction fueled them even more. The aim of the paper is to present the conflict over the Rogun dam on the Vakhsh river in Tajikistan as an example of a conflict over water resources in Central Asia. The article presents the genesis and essence of the dispute, as well as attempts to resolve the conflict.

The Muhajirs in Poland – the threat of Islamist terrorism from foreigners

The aim of this article was to analyse the terrorist threat in Poland posed by foreigners participating in the global salafi jihadist project. As a rule, these are people associated with such organizations as the Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State ISIS, and their derivatives. The research was to verify the actual scale of the phenomenon, the motivations, the modus operandi, and to show trends in this practice. It was also an attempt to identify system problems that hinder the fight against terrorism and may result in a threat to Polish security. The analysis also shows that, contrary to popular opinions, the threat comes not only from the Middle East, but also from Central Asia and the Caucasus. All these directions, however, have their specifics.

Chechens in Kazakhstan after the deportation of Stalin in the years 1944-1957

This topic is a representation of the most important aspects of life on the deportation of Chechens in Kazakhstan in the period from 1944 to 1957. The author also discusses the number of deported Chechens to Kazakhstan and other Central Asian countries.

The People’s Courts of the nomadic population of tsarist Turkestan – an important element of the “local” authorities’ structure (based on archives, legal documents and other materials)

The article considers the status and the role of “native” judicial power in the system of common local self-government bodies among the nomadic population in the pre-revolutionary Central Asia.

Characteristics of Russia’s relations with the Kyrgyz tribes in the late 18th and early 19th century

The author of the article describes Russian relations with the Kyrgyz tribes from the late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth century. The main objective of Kyrgyz legations sent at that time to Russia was to acquire certain material goods. In relations with neighbouring powers the elders of the Kyrgyz tribes were guided by several principles. Firstly, they wanted to maintain the position of the only ruler in their tribes and clans. Secondly, to this end, the elders shifted between neighbouring powers (Russia, China and the Khanate of Kokand). Thirdly, the Kyrgyz ensured that no one interfered in their relations with the Kazakhs, with whom they shared common confession (Islam). Up until 1840s Russian politics towards the Kyrgyz tribes essentially focused on protection of merchant caravans which passed through Kirgiz lands on their way to East Turkestan. In later time Russia sought to create from the Kyrgyz territory a buffer zone between itself, China and the Khanate of Kokand.

The European Union’s Economic Development Strategy and Cooperation with the Countries of Central Asia

The purpose of this study is to analyse the European Union (EU) economic and development cooperation in Central Asia. EU’s economic support to Central Asian countries strengthens its position in this region. Central Asia is a key strategic area for cooperation and the EU seems to have deeper engagement. Moreover, this research highlights the EU’s strategic gear up with Central Asian countries from 2007 to till now. Since the EU launched the Central Asia Strategy in 2007, the objective of this policy is to provide development assistance and establish diplomatic channels in the region. The following research questions rely on, why is Central Asia important to the EU and how does it shape relations with Central Asian countries? And this study relies on qualitative analysis that will be used in this research which addresses the main research problems. Further, the study uses the empirical approach to justify answers to the questions and identify the research outcomes.

Influence of the Ancient Bactria’s Legacy on the Economic and Social Development of Tajikistan

The article’s main goal is to present the influence of ancient Bactria’s legacy on the economic and social development of Tajikistan. The paper provides information about the ancient Bactria’s history – the country where early urban planning traditions and statehood foundations were formed in Central Asia. Bactria included the central, southern, and eastern parts of Tajikistan. In the 6th Century B.C. Bactria was conquered by the Persian king Cyrus and became part of his Achaemenid empire. From the 4th Century B.C. Bactria became known as Tokharistan. It was the moment when the Tajik nationality began to form.

Central Asia is revealing itself as an area where the problem of access to water and its current regional dynamics are almost at a radically critical level, where the potential risk of water disputes is still one of the highest in the world. Therefore, water scarcity issues and challenges triggered by the Aral Sea syndrome, the existing water mismanagement system, infrastructural and investment projects of dams and water reservoirs (Rogun, Naryn, Kambarata, Toktogul, etc.) and their transformation towards an existential threat will be analyzed within the securitization prism through the selected speech acts. This article will contribute to developing a new analytical framework of Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and the securitization theory in water stress. The efforts undertaken in this article will ultimately lead to the development of a new approach to issues of water security and hydro politics within the concept of the Regional Water Security Complex (RWSC) on the example of the Central Asian region. The main research question will be to what extent water, as an immanent feature of this complex, is politicized and securitized. An important question will also be how the formulated security language indicates the existential nature of water as a security problem in the region.

The Socio-Economic System of Sogdiana and the Development of Its Economy

The paper aims at presenting the social development of Sogdiana and its economy. It discusses the capital of Sogdiana – Samarkand – and its role in the socio-economic system of Sogdiana, as well as other cities of this country. As the heart of Transoxiana, the Zeravshan Valley became the centre of Sogdiana and the first state institutions of Central Asia.

This paper aims to analyze selected mechanisms accompanying the processes of national revival in the Central Asian republics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The idea is to investigate the authorities’ actions, which legitimized themselves by appealing to national issues and controlling the processes of building national consciousness. The paper also covers the changes in the nationalist narrative in Kazakhstan in the context of the war in Ukraine, showing the tensions over national identities and loyalties. Some Kazakhs supported Russian aggression against Ukraine, to the great disappointment of national patriots, which has sparked a debate about how the “us” vs. “them” division should be understood in the face of war and a possible threat from Russia. Some participants in the debate question the reliability of equating national identity with loyalty to the state. In doing so, they challenge the government’s primordial narrative, in which nationality legitimizes or naturalizes the current configuration of political power.

Russia and China’s rivalry in Central Asia from 2000 to 2024

This article examines the evolving dynamics of influence between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in Central Asia from 2000 to 2024. Central Asia, rich in natural resources such as gas, oil, uranium, and other minerals, has been a focus of attention for both countries. Initially, Russia maintained significant dominance, particularly in military and cultural spheres, while China expanded its presence mainly in economic and infrastructural domains, especially after launching the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The rivalry between these two powers intensified following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, which weakened Russia’s overall influence. In contrast, China has strengthened its ties with Central Asian states, bypassing Russian territory for its trade routes to Europe. Using neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism as theoretical frameworks, this article explores the balance of power and cooperation in Central Asia, as well as the role of international organizations such as the SCO, CSTO, and the Eurasian Economic Union. The study concludes that China has significantly expanded its presence in the region, while Russia has seen a decline in influence, although it remains a key player, especially in military and security matters.