Last decade brought further increase in popularity and outreach of Pentecostal pastors-evangelists and the expansion of new mega-churches in Sub-Saharan Africa. Media savvy and marketing-skilled charismatic “holy men” perform multiple functions, including that of political actors, increasingly influential, and indispensable in the election cycles of multiple African states, most notably Anglophone ones. Recognising the pivotal role of Pentecostal constituencies, political players, such as candidates in presidential elections seek mega-church leaders’ blessings or a favourable political prophecy. State officials reciprocate with adopting policies which resonate with their message. This mutual relationship and mainstreaming of Pentecostal discourse affects the overall political culture of young, African democracies. As the new brand of Pentecostalism grows on economic deprivation and disillusionment with the state, it also begins to foster, not just metaphorically, an alternative order and set of values. This comes with religiously driven perceptions of pastors’ powers, which makes them seem potentially more effective and legitimate than secular, democratic leaders, and state institutions. Thanks to those credentials, as well as their widely developed networks, influential pastors begin to make inroads into African foreign policymaking. The process of officialising Pentecostal actors as quasi-diplomats as well as absorbing their ideas and modus operandi into the foreign policy arena seem to contradict advancement of professionalism and transparency in diplomacy as functions of state capabilities. However, in some contexts, growth of their powers and outreach may work in favour of increasing African agency.

There is currently a digital revolution ongoing across the globe that cannot be missed. It appears that it is bringing the newest solutions and answers to all latest requirements and expectations that seemed to be out of the reach for many decades. However, it is not only technology that is needed these days, but also societies are seeking credible tools and acceptable option implemented in order to provide an individual a state approved identity with access to legitimate services. Although each of us is subjected to rights and duties based on identity given from the very beginning of our lives, some may not have a chance to present a proof of this identity due to geographic, cultural or social issues. Various organizations both commercial and international, including state ones and NGOs, are concerned of a significant high rate of loss of opportunities by some due to lack of basic identification document, whether it is an old fashioned one or a digital ID. This paper brings some current activities and events for discussion in regards to response to deficiency in terms of equipping citizens of African countries with the latest type of identification document, which contains of access to multiple services. Moreover, while reading the study, it may be noticed the level of devotion and engagement by actors, which includes seeking and employing the best know-how practice and digital biometric traits. Thanks to such approach, some African countries may be already ahead of so-called “western developed economies”. However, digital biometrization of individuals could be a response to modern challenges on one side, and to crisis management and natural disasters on the other. The paper briefly describes the problem of identification with use of digital biometric features in Africa, and it rather invites others to carry out an independent research, as well encourage to discussion on advantages and disadvantages for using biometrics in the process of identification.

The aims of this article are: (1) presentation of changes in the level of globalization in Kenya and Tanzania (2) comparison of countries in terms of globalization level (3) identification of the main globalization processes taking place in the countries. To ensure economic development in Tanzania and Kenya, it is necessary to implement globalization processes and monitor the level of globalization. For this purpose, statistical data analysis and comparative analysis using the KOF Index have been employed. Progressing globalization was found in Kenya and Tanzania, and based on this, it was decided to make a thorough analysis of which aspects have increased the most. For this purpose, the KOF Index of Globalisation analysis was used for these countries and on this basis the strongest development areas in the last 22 years were identified, as well as a comparative analysis of globalization in Kenya and Tanzania was made. The studies have shown that the level of globalization is increasing in both Kenya and Tanzania, with Kenya exhibiting a higher level. This difference might primarily stem from the economic policy orientation – Kenya focuses on trade openness, whereas Tanzania emphasizes support for domestic sectors of the economy and local entrepreneurs. The areas in which countries have developed the most are social processes. The ongoing processes of globalization can support both the growth and economic development of the analyzed countries, thereby potentially help reduce the main social and economic challenges in Kenya and Tanzania.

This article explores language-in-education (LIE) policies within post-colonial contexts, with a specific focus on Tanzania. It provides a systematic exploration of the multifaceted factors that shape these policies and their profound impact on academic performance and educational outcomes in the country. Specifically, the article examines the relationship between policies prioritizing students’ mother tongue or familiar language and academic performance. Additionally, it assesses the influence of policies favouring the language of the past colonizer on academic outcomes in primary and secondary education. The theoretical foundation of this study is Critical Theory, a framework which illuminates the power dynamics and social inequalities inherent in policy development and implementation. It provides insights into how dominant linguistic groups exert influence in decision-making processes and how language policies perpetuate existing social hierarchies. The study holds significant research value, as it addresses the pivotal role of LIE policies in shaping educational outcomes and socio- economic opportunities within multilingual societies. It acknowledges the contentious nature of language and education debates within the African context, especially in primary education. A key contribution of this research is its holistic approach. Unlike studies that solely focus on academic performance metrics or isolated variables, it considers a wide range of societal, historical, and political factors that intersect with language policies. This comprehensive view allows for a deeper understanding of the challenges posed by English as a third language in Tanzania’s educational system. Furthermore, the study underscores the importance of engaging multiple stakeholders, ensuring teacher readiness, and incorporating the perspectives of students to effectively implement LIE policies. It emphasizes the need for increased government commitment and public awareness to develop inclusive and equitable policies that promote quality education and social justice. In conclusion, this article offers valuable insights into the complex landscape of LIE policies in Tanzania. It calls for a nuanced approach that considers the unique context of each post-colonial nation to develop pragmatic and equitable language policies conducive to desired educational outcomes.

For 30 years, Sudan was ruled by one man – Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir. He went down in history as a dictator. His rule was marked by terror, persecution and suffering. Bashir’s regime led to the displacement of millions, the death of thousands, poverty, a humanitarian and economic crisis in the country, and he was indicted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and genocide. With the fall of Bashir, there was a short-lived hope for a better future. But it was an illusory hope. The country’s political scene has been taken over by the military, which is still in power despite announcements that it would hand over power to civilians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the political and social situation that led to the fall of the Bashir regime and the current political situation under the military junta. The analysis is based solely on information gathered from open sources of intelligence (OSINT).

Following its independence in 1956, Sudan confronted the tasks of constructing a distinct national identity, establishing effective governance and economic systems, and addressing internal ethnic conflicts stemming from the condominium era. In terms of ethnicity, the post-colonial history of Sudan can be segmented into two phases: sectarian politics, primarily observed in northern Sudan from 1956 to 1999, with the south not experiencing sectarianism in the same manner; and ethnic politics prevalent in South Sudan from 1955 to 2011 and in North Sudan from 1999 to the present. However, the postcolonial history of Sudan is actually a replay of a set of patterns that kept governing the politics of the country for centuries.