- Year of publication: 2016
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-4
- DOI Address: -
In international relations theory alliances are often regarded as factors influencing the incidence of interstate war. This study statistically examines this claim on a population of cases taken from the Correlates of War project data sets, consisting of 3216 instances of militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) that occurred in the period 1816 – 2000, 307 of which were wars. In the test, this initial data set has been divided into three sub-sets comprising: (1) originator dyads, (2) originators-as-initiators-and-joiners-astargets dyads, and (3) joiners-as-initiators-andoriginators- as-targets dyads; and ten variables were used to determine the impact of alliances on whether MIDs will become wars. These variables included unit-, dyad-, and system-level indicators of the presence of alliances, their capabilities and tightness. Combined, this enabled the analysis to test hypotheses related to the capability-aggregation and war-diffusion functions of alliances as well as arguments on the relationship between polarity and war.
Although a current and marketable term in the literature and political discourses, the notion of ‘international role’ still lacks a clear and succinct, let alone consensually applicable, definition. This article posits that, from the actorness perspective as a point of departure, the concept of “international role” may well be assessed through the lenses of the quad-element “PIPP” analytical model, which is herewith developed. Thereby, the analysis of actor’s international role has to make a long conceptual sojourn from power, influence presence to performance (PIPP). These four embedded concepts (PIPP model) help assess the explanandum, i.e. “actor’s international role”, in a theoretically-informed, systematic and holistic way, thus avoiding the pitfalls of sporadic (mis) usage found in common parlance.
The author analyses the manifestations of cities’ growing role for ensuring the national/international as well as environmental and human security. Cities of today increasingly participate in international relations – they internalize, implement and enforce international law, sometimes independently of their States’ international legal obligations, for example when they pledge to implement human rights conventions or environmental law obligations that their own States did not pledge to fulfill. In this way they contribute to international peace and security. On the basis of those manifestations, the author attempts to explain the possible position of cities on the international plane and according to international law – whether they should be accorded greater autonomy or international legal personality. The author also indicates that the role of cities in the area of different aspects of security is growing.
The contemporary border crossing is said to have become progressively more automated and faster. Automated devices and surveillance systems in border control generally are to enhance security of the state. However, this perception of innovations in border control represents more of a developed countries’ perspective than a universal rule. An acceleration of technological development maintains or deepens inequalities between countries, regions, societies or generations and the change (progress) does not occur worldwide and does not apply to all societies. This paper presents different systems of border control using new technologies and their consequences in social and human dimension. A transition of state’s border from a physical line to territorially dispersed points, linked with international information and data sharing, is analysed. The impact of the automated border control of travellers on interactions between developed and less or developing countries is on the main interests of the author in this paper.
In the last fi ve years Tunisia has been presented mostly as a success story of political transition. It managed to adopt a new constitution and to conduct the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2014. Finally, civil society groups, which helped to end the political crisis in 2013, won the Nobel peace prize. If we look from the institutional perspective and the ability of political groups to compromise, indeed we can say that Tunisia is a success story. Th e picture is more bleak, however, if we try to assess the infl uence of economic factors on the development of Tunisian democracy, especially in light of recent terrorist attacks and social protests. Th e aim of the article is to answer the questions, to what extent economic crisis can inhibit democratic consolidation in Tunisia and what Tunisia can learn from the Spanish experience of political transition.
The problem of effectiveness of reaction to external crisis expressed by participants of the international system is very much a live issue. In view of growing military conflicts in many parts of the world, the question how effective the relations between the players are in the international arena is a category worth analysing. This article concerns the Russian-Georgian crisis, whose most important manifestation was the military conflict in August 2008 and most significant result – the loss of Georgia’s territorial integrity and the strengthening of Russia’s position in the post-Soviet area. The analysis, conducted according to the presented scheme, focused on the effectiveness of external activities undertaken by the Republic of Georgia in the face of the Moscow-Tbilisi crisis.
Georgia international crisis effectiveness of external activities Russia Russian-Georgian relations 2008 August war kryzys międzynarodowy skuteczność działań zewnętrznych Gruzja Rosja stosunki rosyjsko-gruzińskie wojna sierpniowa 2008
More and more research confirms the influence of monetary policy over supply through the costs level (especially in reference to the working capital costs) and over the marginal costs of a given enterprise which influences their pricing policy and manufacturing decisions. Thus, it has become a necessity in the monetary policy’s effectiveness to take into account cost channels of transmitting monetary policy into economy, along with identification of factors determining its effectiveness. It may point out to the stronger reaction of the central bank in order to repress costly inflationary pressure; it may as well point out to a lower interest increase in order to not increase inflation expectations. It depends on the specificity of a given economy – to be precise, the role of a cost channel and market expectations, as well as the strength of an interest rate channel. The central bank should analyze the effects of its actions in order to neutralize negative consequences and increase its effectiveness. Thus, when it comes to the cost channel, it comes as more effective for the central bank to focus on the inflation goal and to base the monetary policy on the aim of achieving this goal. To strengthen the effectiveness and credibility, it is necessary to create a realistic strategy should economical crisis occur.
monetary policy the transmission mechanism of monetary policy channels of monetary transmission cost channel the cost of working capital polityka pieniężna mechanizm transmisji polityki pieniężnej kanały transmisji pieniężnej kanał kosztów koszt kapitału pracującego
The article presents the problem of the functioning of factions within the European Parliament and the formation of coalitions between individual political groups basing on the Rules of Procedure and data from the seventh term of the EP. The article involves an analysis of the principles for forming factions as specified in the Rules of Procedure of the EP and the consequences for the cooperation of national parties in the Parliament arising from these regulations. In the second part of the article, matters concerning coalition formation between political groups within the EP are discussed together with the phenomenon of ‘grand coalitions’, related definitional problems and the functioning of the entire political system of the EU in this context.
European Parliament coalitions great coalition political groups (factions) in the European Parliament European Union Parlament Europejski koalicje wielka koalicja grupy polityczne (frakcje) w PE Unia Europejska
The aim of the paper is an attempt at evaluating the Eastern Partnership from the point of view of the socio-cultural dimension in a broad sense. Do cultural and civilisational factors influence relations between the EU and Eastern European and South Caucasus countries? Is the EU capable of further enlargement? The Eastern Partnership is experiencing significant turmoil (Russia-Ukraine war, unstable South Caucasus) which begs the question of the future of the policy. Moreover, the paper tackles the issue of the EU’s internal factors and their influence upon relations with Eastern countries.
European Union Eastern Europe Central Europe East-Central Europe sociocultural dimension of the Eastern Partnership Eastern Neighbours Eastern Partnership Unia Europejska Europa Wschodnia Europa Środkowa Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia społeczno-kulturowy wymiar Partnerstwa Wschodniego wschodni sąsiedzi Partnerstwo Wschodnie
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