- Year of publication: 2015
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-4
- DOI Address: -
SOCIOECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF VOTING BEHAVIOR IN 2007 AND 2011 SEJM ELECTIONS. ANALYSIS OF AGGREGATED DATA
In the paper I show the results of my research on voting behavior in Polish parliamentary elections. My studies focus on the elections to the Sejm in 2007 and 2011. Employing regression models I try to verify the following hypotheses: H1: An increase in voting turnout, that is an important indicator of positive social capital, is positively correlated with the Civic Platform election result, while increasing the negative social capital determinants results in the decline in the Civic Platform support. H2: An increase in voting turnout is beneficial for the Civic Platform, while having negative impact on the political support given to the Law and Justice and the Polish People’s Party. H3: The higher the percentage of women in a county (powiat), the greater the average support for the Civic Platform. H4: When it comes to the determinants of political support for the selected parties, it turns out that, economic variables are statistically insignificant. To carry out my studies I use statistical data available from Central Statistical Office of Poland and from National Electoral Commission.
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FACTIONS IN THE LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND GROUPS INSIDE THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF JAPAN AFTER ALTERNATION OF POWER IN 2009
The article examines the changes in factional system of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) after electoral victory in 2009. During opposition period, DPJ factions were believed to be much less significant groups than their counterparts in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Nevertheless, after the DPJ assumed power, its intra-party groups, to a certain degree, started functioning as LDP factions. Over the years, their ideological leanings weakened and instead of realizing distinctive political vision, they started focusing on pragmatic struggle for power in the party. In 2009 – 2012 period, the competition between intra-party mainstreams and anti-mainstreams increased, challenging the unity of the DPJ. The significance of factional divisions was also clearly visible in the distribution of governmental portfolios by succeeding prime ministers. Although DPJ factions were still not as powerful as LDP factions, they played a much greater role than before in maintaining intra-party balance and structuring intra-party competition.
PROJECTS OF REFORMS OF THE AMERICAN ELECTORAL SYSTEM AT THE FEDERAL, STATE AND LOCAL LEVEL
The decentralized structure of the U.S. electoral system makes it impossible to speak about a single electoral system which operates in the United States covering about 16.000 elections that are held over a four-year period. States, responsible for holding elections at the state and local level, are trying to reform this system. A significant role in promoting and implementing these reforms is played by non-governmental organizations such as FairVote: The Center for Voting and Democracy, The League of Women Voters, and Common Cause. The purpose of this article is to present the proposed reforms of the U.S. electoral system at the federal, state and local level. The aim is to show the debate which takes place on the American political scene, on the issue of organizing more representative elections.
INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE SELECTED THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
The aim of the article is to point out differences between theories of the IR (International Relations) in the process of explanation of the institutionalization of international relations. Selected theories of the International Relations were chosen that belong to the rationalist and constructivist paradigm in the International Relations studies.
Since the 80s, institutionalization has been a matter of reflection of researchers. This follows from the dynamics and specificity of the contemporary international relations – quantitative growth of various forms of international institutions (international organizations, regimes, norms, or transnational actors). They start to play an increasingly important role. It is assumed that such institutions have an impact on the behavior of states in the international system. This raises the question of how to study that influence. The answer to that question is different depending on the theoretical perspective used for analyses.
U.S. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INITIATIVES TOWARDS NORTH AFRICA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY
The Mediterranean Area is a very important region at the contemporary international relations scene. Since 2001, the United States have established closer relations with North African countries. There are two main goals of the American foreign policy towards Maghreb. The first one of these goals concerning cooperation is searching for the alternative way of supplying the United States by African gas and oil. Such countries as Algeria, Libya, and Nigeria are some of the biggest holders and exporters of these natural minerals. Nowadays, the U.S., the European countries and Russia are in rivalry for Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and oil contracts with the African partners. The winner of this competition will keep control of the whole market of minerals, and from the political, economic and strategic point of view will be stronger in the future. The second one is supporting by Maghreb countries the U.S. counter-terrorism military operation “Active Endeavour”.
THE INTERNATIONAL SUBJECTIVITY PROBLEM OF THE PRINCIPALITY OF SEALAND
The Principality of Sealand was founded on the abandoned military platform on the North Sea. Because of its location beyond the British territorial waters, it was not the point of interest of the British authorities. In 1960s and 1970s, the Principality have got its national emblems and constitution. Despite of this initial development, most of the citizens moved from the platform to mainland because of hard conditions of life. The most dangerous threat for the Principality existence was the declaration of widening British territorial waters zone up to 12 NM (Nautical Miles), but no British troops or navy ship tried to disturb Sealand’s sovereignty. Despite ‘not disturbed’ status, the Principality is not the state in the meaning of the international law. It has not got its territory nor people, because officially the platform is the Ministry of Defence property and all of Sealand’s citizens live in the mainland now. The Principality has not been recognized by any state or international organization, so it has no possibilities to take part in international relations. From the legal point of view, the Principality is not only a state, but even quasi-state, however, it could be recognised in the future as a virtual micronation, although it is not a legal category.
THE RUSSIAN CRISIS AND THE DIRECTIONS TO EXIT FROM, IN LIGHT OF THE WORKS OF EURAZES INSTITUTE
Works of analysts centered in the EurAzES Institute (EI), among them the dissertation by Vladimir Tamak on modernization of the Russian Federation (2012) and the anonymous “Global Project Russia” (2011), prove the vitality of the Eurasian idea in the RF (Russian Federation) and its political potential. Tamak’s reformatory postulates, as well as, in a lesser degree, the ones of other scholars and activists from the circle of EI, are integrated with the negative opinion on political and social reality in the RF after 1993. The analysis of causes and prospective results of the crisis is directed by the thesis about the Russian and global oligarchic involvement. EI’s neo-Eurasian reformatory projects, promoted as innovative, and the only ones among other modernizing programs announced in the recent years, constitute a compilation of selected elements of classical Eurasianism (i.a. idiocracy, organic democracy, anti-Occidentalism, Orthodox traditionalism), a contemporary version of Eurasianism elaborated by L. Gumilov (i.a. relative autarchy), and neo-Eurasianism by A. Dugin (i.a. vision of the future of the RF as Eurasia’s heartland; non-European model of development of Eurasian industry).
MARKETING MANAGEMENT OF A POLITICAL PARTY IN THE THEORIES OF ROBERT P. ORMROD AND STEPHAN C. HENNEBERG
Although political marketing management is still a very popular issue in modern political science, surprisingly, only few studies have tried to provide theoretical foundations for describing comprehensive marketing process in political parties. The aim of this paper is to present two complementary concepts developed by Robert P. Ormrod and Stephan C. Henneberg: Political Market Orientation and Strategic Political Postures. Both authors have prepared a theoretical framework for complex analysis of marketing operations in the parties. They consider political marketing management to be a permanent process which includes mainly building and maintaining relations with various stakeholders and creating strategies. The article presents these concepts from the perspective of previous studies and criticizes some assumptions in purpose to indicate possibilities and barriers of future empirical work.
POPULISM OF RUCH PALIKOTA
This article deals with the Ruch Palikota political party, which has gained enough support in 2011 elections in Poland to be represented in Polish chamber of deputies – Sejm. One of the main opinions in media and within politicians is that Ruch Palikota (RP) is a populist party. This article attempts to examine the argument that the RP is not a populist party. A basic conception of populism is a description made by Roman Tokarczyk and Maria Marczewska-Rytko.
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