- Year of publication: 2015
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-4
- DOI Address: -
PERSONALISTIC MODEL OF POLITICS
In the ongoing discussion of politologists who present different ways of comprehending politics, personalistic approach emphasizes the need for improving political power in terms of humanization. It also underlines the necessity of further development of the state to increase citizens’ participation in real political power. That is why there are numerous models and types of politics. Constant search and development is the basic trend in history, as well as in social and political life. Personalistic model of politics elevates the man’s dignity.
SOCIO-TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF PERSONALIZATION OF POLITICS
An issue of interest is the process of personalization of politics. I am going to examine it from the point of view of social engineering. There is no doubt that we can find many things in common between social engineering and personalization. Personalization is a broader syndrome of traits that can be reduced to a change in the nature of leadership in democracy, especially in campaign. As one might expect cause of this state of affairs, on the one hand it is still a growing number of those who serve as prime minister on the basis of “presidential style of administration”, on the other hand – the actual (institutional) changes in parliamentary systems.
METATHEORETICAL ANALYSIS SHEET REVIEW OF JURNAL INDEXED “ATHENAEUM. POLISH POLITICAL SCIENCE STUDIES”
The objective of article is metatheoretical analysis sheet review, first of all with epistemological and ontological condition, and subsequently methodological issues, that the Reviewer must take into account when assessing and are suitable academic qualifications to the journal indexed. The Review is not only the limitation to the knowledge, but also research and professional qualification.
DO WE TEATCH WHAT WE DO IN RESEARCH?
This paper is based on an assumption that any scientifi discipline should be characterized by compatibility between the methods and techniques that are taught and the methods and techniques that are actually used in scientific research. This concerns political science as well. Content analysis of selected syllabi of methodological courses and 280 papers published in 8 polish political science journals shows that there are important differences between teaching about methods and techniques and using them in practice. According to the results, political scientists teach about questionnaires, observations, experiments, surveys, and other methods and techniques specific to social science, but they rarely use them. Only 12,1% of the articles mentioned what methods and techniques are used and those listed above were very seldom pointed out. Among the articles in which methods and techniques used were not mentioned the most popular method was the one that can be called “critique of written sources” and methods like historical, institutional, and comparative. It seems to be very important that those methods were rarely present in the analyzed syllabi. In sum, it might be said that we do not teach what we do in research. This answer for the title question should be reconsidered as a starting point for possible changes in teaching methodology and also in publishing policy in political science journals.
ARE THE POLISH PARTIES DEMOCRATIC?
The article analyzes the application of democratic principles in the structures of polish political parties such as: Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Twój Ruch (Your Movement), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party), Prawica Rzeczypospolitej (Right Wing of the Republic), Polska Partia Pracy (Polish Labour Party), Partia Zieloni (Greens), Solidarna Polska (Solidary Poland).
The author of the article discusses the issues of leadership competition, creation of informal groups in the party elections, members disciplining, and leaders forcing environmental risks arising from the principles of internal democracy. The author stated that the parties should be left free to shape structures while legally protect the democratic principles of choice and the relationship between the authorities and the equality of rights of members of the party.
ORIGINS, CURRICULUM ASSUMPTIONS AND ACTIVITIES OF THE PERESTROIKA MOVEMENT IN AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE
Model of methodological and theoretical pluralism, developed after the behavioral revolution, allows different methods and purposes of approach in research of political spheres of social life. For many years, it seemed that the current consensus is not threatened, that the acceptance of the status quo is widespread. As it turned out, however, post-behavioral order and peace were hiding under the surface of old conflicts and contradictions, and generated new ones. Somewhat like 100 years ago, at the beginning of the new century, they flowed on the surface – colliding with each other – as completely different visions of policy research, based on a different meaning of objectivity and truth and the role that the gained knowledge plays in the society.
In October 2000, to a dozen American political scientists and publishers of professional magazines there was sent an e-mail, signed “Mr. Perestroika”, containing harsh criticism of the system of forces existing in the American political science, under which there is a strong dominance of representatives of science-oriented mathematical modeling and quantitative methods, and representatives of other approaches are being discriminated against. This letter, commonly called the “Perestroika Manifesto”, has rapidly spread in the network, gaining a few hundred followers within a few weeks. It became the nucleus of an informal Perestroika Movement, which brought together a larger group of political scientists dissatisfied with the current model of discipline.
They performed against the domination of investigator-driven assumptions of logical positivism and radical behaviorism, based on the assumption that it is possible to predict the political behavior on the basis of the theories of rationality. They also questioned focusing on discovering universal, independent of context, truths about politics, based on testing causal hypotheses with regard to the behavior of political actors and the quest to build a general theory. Th is results in their opinion that there is the marginalization of other studies aimed at clarifying and resolving specifi c issues and, on the other hand, the need of search for a more explicit link between theory and practice.
Supporters of the Perestroika Movement do not reject entirely quantitative methods, only tend to criticize their absolutizing character, involving the complete discrediting of approaches which are not referring to the quantifi cation of data or treating this type of treatment only as a complementary knowledge considerations based on normative narrative. Th erefore, they generally tend to the concept of methodological triangulation, in which quantitative techniques may complement and partially be a form of verifi cation of qualitative methods in various research issues, of course, if you can combine both types of approaches.
Th ey are clearly in favor of the primacy of the essence of research method. From this point of view, based on compliance with the applicable rules of methodological research, they do not have to be in this respect particularly innovative, hyper-precise or mathematicised. Th ey should, however, contain a well-constructed argumentation, allowing reliably resolve important issues. Th e result should be to restore compounds research and theoretical knowledge with the real problems of political life, moving away from the extreme containment and academic character towards the relationship of knowledge about politics of social practice.
POLISH COMMUNE AND INTERNATIONAL LOCAL GOVERNMENT STANDARDS (THE LAST 25 YEARS – IN OUTLINE)
The article presents the lowest level of local government – a commune – against the background of international local government standards formulated by such organizations as the Council of Europe, UNDP, OECD, the World Bank, the European Union. Firstly, the evolution of these standards is presented – starting from European Charter of Local Self-Government, through European Charter of Local Self-Government, ending with The Strategy for Innovation and Good Governance at Local Level and European Governance. Then, the range of implementation of these principles in Polish local government is analyzed. It can be determined that external influence in the form of international standards has been one of the key factors shaping the Polish self-government in the last 25 years.
EXPERT AND BUREAUCRATIC POWER IN SHAPING POLISH SELF-GOVERNMENT SYSTEM. THE CASE OF THREE CO-AUTHORS
Michał Kulesza, Jerzy Regulski, and Jerzy Stępień are three co-authors of polish self-government reform (1990 – 1998). The author of the article searches their roles as experts as well as politicians in shaping self-government system. Final conclusion is as follows: although they were “scientific owners” of the problem, their important part in resolving it was more political (bureaucratic) than professional. The matter of their professional role was generally out of question. Practically, the most difficult task was not the shape of future self-government system but the implementation of it. Key in resolving this problem was the political position of aforementioned co-authors, their participation in bureaucratic power, and openness for lobbying. It is a meaningful lesson for the future reformers, each and every one of them.
THE EMERGENCE, DEVELOPMENT, AND CRISIS OF CONCEPT OF THE VOIT, MAYOR, AND CITY PRESIDENT AS A LOCAL LEADER
Presented study concentrates on both forming and the crisis of the concept of local leadership in Poland, which concerns voits, mayors, and presidents of cities, directly elected by the citizens – e.g. a local government leaders. Particular attention was paid to legal and political mechanisms of their elections and political (democratic) responsibility towards the citizens. In these mechanisms, the factors were detected, which substantially weaken social trustworthiness of the role of the leader. Among them: particularly low rate of voting turnout in both local elections and referenda concerning deposition from appointments listed above and various manipulations distorting the true picture of public in these matters. Concept of a local leader in Poland has met very serious difficulties in practice and seems to be not attractive to the community.
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